
Qass 

Book .\ A3 



A SHORT HISTORY OF THE 
OXFORD MOVEMENT 



A SHORT HISTORY 



OF THE 



OXFORD MOVEMENT 



BY 



Sir SAMUEL ^ALL, M.A., K.C. 

FORMERLY VICE-CHANCELLOR OF THE COUNTY PALATINE OF LANCASTER 



LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO. 

39 PATERNOSTER ROW, LONDON 

NEW YORK AND BOMBAY 

1906 



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PREFACE. 

This little work is merely a layman's attempt 
to give an unbiassed account of the very in- 
teresting episode in history commonly called 
The Oxford Movement. It makes no pretence 
to discuss the theological questions which 
were raised in its progress, but endeavours to 
explain, How it arose, Who were its leaders. 
How it proceeded, and What were its results. 
Its main activity only covered a very limited 
period (1833 to 1845), and though it was not, and 
could not, be an entirely isolated affair, yet it 
was almost dramatic in its completeness and 
interest. The writer has made free use of the 
Authorities of which he has given a list, and 



vi PREFACE 

hopes this will be accepted as sufficient ac- 
knowledgment even in those cases where he 
has not expressly and precisely indicated his 

obligation. 

S. H. 

1906. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

Intboductor^ 1 

1. English Protestant Sects. 2. Sketch of English Church 
History before the Reformation. 3. The Reformation 
and Its Machinery. 4. Later History of the Church. 
6. Reform Act, 1832. 6. State of Oxford and the 
Church in the Reform Days. 

Notes : A. — J. A. Froude on Dogmatic Theology - - 29 

B. — Dr. Tulloch on the Reformation - - - 31 

C.—Dr. Hook on the Prayer-Book - - - - 33 

D. — Dr. Hook on the Thirty-Nine Articles - - 35 

E.— C. A. Fyffe on State of Oxford - - - - 40 



CHAPTER II. 

The Leaders 44 

1. Whately. 2. Keble. 3. Hurrell Froude. 4. Newman 
— Difference with Hawkins — Sermons. 5. Pusey. 
6. Hugh James Rose, and others. 

Note : Illustrations of Newman's style - - - . 108 



viii CONTENTS 

CHAPTER III. 

PAGE 

The Movement, 1833 to 1839 116 

1. Immediate OccasioD. 2. Hadleigh Conference — Associa- 
tions — Addresses to Archbishop. 3. Earlier Tracts — 
Tract 1. 4. List of Tracts— Prosperity to 1839— Cir- 
culation of Tracts. 5. Question of Subscription at 
Matriculation — Hampden's Pamphlet— Pusey's Tracts. 
6. Hampden, Regius Professor of Divinity. 7. Lectures 
— Wiseman and Newman — Martyrs' Monument — Via 
Media. 

1839 TO 1845 172 

1. Turning of Tide— W. G. Ward. 2. Pusey's Letter- 
Newman's Article in British Critic. 3. Newman 
Studies Monophysite Controversy — Wiseman on Ang- 
lican Claims — Littlemore — Newman's Preparations. 
4. Younger Men's Forward Movement. 5. Tract 90. 
6. Sensation caused by Tract 90 — Protest of the Pour 
Tutors — Censure by Authorities. 7. Newman at Little- 
more — The Three Blows: (a) Arianism, Question 
Involved ; (b) Bishops' Charges ; (c) Jerusalem Bishop- 
ric, and their Effect on Newman. 8. Professorship of 
Poetry — Monastery. 9. Newman went to Littlemore 
permanently, 1842 — Retractation of Language against 
Rome — Pusey Suspended — Newman's Last Sermon as 
Anglican — His delay in going over. 10. Ward's 
Leadership — His Ideal — His Deprivation — Newman's 
Censure vetoed. 11. Newman's ** Development" — 
Received into Roman Catholic Church. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Results 220 

1. Anglican Church remained stable. 2. Oxford Reform. 
3. Influence on English Church — Raising of Tone 
— Scholarship — History and Historical School. 4. 
Ritualism. 5. Indifference — Agnosticism. 6. Con- 
clusion. 

Index 263 



PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES USED, 

{The dates are those of the Editions used.) 

Burgon. Twelve Good Men. 2 vols. 1888. 

Church. The Oxford Movement. 1892. 

The Christian Year. 1873. 

Dictionary of National Biography, v.d. 

Hampden's Bampton Lectures. 1832. 

Lely. Position of the Church of England (Statutes). 1899. 

Lives. Arnold. By Stanley. 2 vols. 1858. 

Kehle. (1) By Coleridge. 1880. (2) By Lock. 1893. 

Hurrell Froude. By Louise J. Guiney. 1904. Remains. 
2 vols. (4 parts). Keble and Nev^man. 

Manning. By Purcell. 2 vols. 1895. 

Pusey. 4 vols. By Liddon and others. 1893-97. 

Pattison. Memoirs. 1885. 

Tadti Archbishop. 2 vols. 1891. 

Whately. 2 vols. 1866. 

Wilberforce, Bp. 3 vols. 1880-82. 

Wiseman. By Wilfrid Ward. 2 vols. 1897. 

Woi'dswoi'th, Bp. Charles. Annals. 2 vols. 1891-93. 
Rev. Thos. Mozley. Reminiscences. 2 vols. 1882. 
Dr. Jas. B. Mozley. Letters. 1885. 

J. H. Newman. Works. Apologia. 1879. Sermons, Tracts, 
Verses, Histories, etc., etc., v.d. 

„ Controversy with Kingsley, with Apologia. 1864. 

„ Letters and Correspondence during his Life in 

the English Chu7'ch. 2 vols. 1891. Edited 
by Anne Mozley. 



X PRINCIPAL AUTHORITIES USED 

J. H. Newman. Early History. By F. W. Newman. 1891. 
„ Life. By R. H. Button. 1891. 

„ Life. By Abbott. 2 vols. 1892. 

,, Literary Life. By Dr. Barrv. 1904. 

Oakeley's Histo7'ical Notes on the Traetarian Movement. 

Overton. Life in the English Church, 1660 to 1714. 1885. 

Abbey and Overton. The English Church in the Eighteenth Cen- 
tury. 1878. 

Palmer. Narrative of Events connected with the Tracts for the 
Tiines. 1883. 

A. P. Perceval's Collection of Papers connected with tlie Theological 
Movement of 1833. 

Swete. Patristic Study. Handbooks fcyr the Clergy. 1902. 

Tracts for the Times, v.d. 

W. G. Ward. Ideal of Christian Church. 1844. 

W. O. Ward and the Oxford Movement. ' By Wilfrid Ward. 1889. 

Isaac Williams. Autobiography. 1892. 

Wilberforce, Bp. Essays from Quarterly. 2 vols. 1874. 



ABBREVIATED TERMS OCCASIONALLY USED 
IN REFERENCE. 

Apologia for Newman's Apologia Pro Vita Sua. 

Letters for Newman's Letters and Correspondence during his Life in 

the English Church. 
Reminiscences for Rev. T. Mozley*s Reminiscences. 
Church for The Oxfwd Movement. By Dean Church. 
Palmer for Palmer's Narrative. 
Ward for Mr. W. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement. 



CHAPTER I. 

INTEODUOTOEY. 

1. The forms of belief held by English Protes- 
tants are many and various, and the difficulty 
of classifying or enumerating them is practic- 
ally insuperable. Most of those, however, who 
profess to have any religious belief, accept the 
existence of a Supreme Being and a future 
state of rewards and punishments. They have 
indeed (not quite seriously) been sometimes 
accused of worshipping a book, and the very 
general adoption of the doctrine stated in 
Chillingworth's The Bible and the Bible alone 
the Religion oj Protestants, coupled with the 
right claimed and asserted of private judgment, 
has not only given some countenance to the 
charge, exaggerated though it be, but has led 
to the great multiplication of sects, and hence 
it is when any attempt is made to add fuller 



2 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

details to the above-mentioned statements of 
faith that enormous difficulty arises. 

The first and fundamental element of re- 
ligious belief, the existence of the Supreme 
Being, has given rise during many generations 
to numerous speculations and disputes. What 
is the nature of this Being ? Is it one, or is 
there a Trinity in Unity ? and if so, what are 
the nature, origin and status of the several 
persons of the Trinity, and what is the nature 
of their relationship to each other and to man- 
kind ? It is obvious that the Divinity and In- 
carnation of Christ and the Atonement by Him 
involve difficult and serious questions which 
must vitally affect the details of the faith held 
even by those professing and calling them- 
selves Christians. The Unitarian Society, for 
example, must have broad diflferences which 
lie between it and the other Christian bodies. 
In the same way, the doctrine of the future 
state of rewards and punishments necessarily 
gives rise to difficult speculations and discus- 
sions, upon which many different conclusions 
have been arrived at. Thus a large body of 
Christians, commonly called Calvinists, hold 
that God has chosen a certain number in 



INTEODUCTORY 3 

Christ to everlasting glory before the founda- 
tion of the world, of His free grace and love, 
without faith, good works or other conditions 
of the creature, and that the rest of mankind 
are passed by and ordained to everlasting dis- 
honour and wrath ; that the atonement of 
Christ enured only for the benefit of the elect, 
with the subsidiary doctrines of moral inability 
in a fallen state, irresistible grace and final 
perseverance. Another large body, commonly 
called Arminians, on the other hand, hold that 
God from all eternitv determined to bestow 
salvation on those who as He foresaw would 
persevere to the end in their faith in Jesus 
Christ, and to inflict everlasting punishment 
on those who should continue in their unbelief 
and resist to the end of life His Divine assist- 
ance, so that election was conditional and re- 
probation the result of foreseen infidelity and 
persevering wickedness ; that the atonement of 
Christ enured for the benefit of all who be- 
lieved in Him, with the subsidiary doctrines 
that regeneration was only by operation of the 
Holy Ghost which was the gift of God through 
Jesus Christ ; that all good works were attribut- 
able to God alone, and especially (as opposed 



4 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

to the Calvinistic doctrine of final perseverance) 
that the regenerate might fall away and die in 
their sins. 

There naturally arose many sects holding 
variations more or less important of Calvinistic 
and Arminian doctrines, and many other sects 
holding special views flowing as they con- 
sidered from the fundamental articles of faith 
as expressed in the Scriptures, but it is not 
necessary for the purposes of this work to 
pursue this branch of the subject farther 
than to call attention to the great cleavage 
of all which really separated Protestants into 
two well-distinguishable camps, one of them, 
which coincided with the Established Church, 
recognised Episcopacy, and the other did not. 
The Non- Episcopalian bodies, commonly called 
"Nonconformists," roughly speaking regard 
only as of real importance the direct com- 
munion of the creature with its Creator. 
There are two, and two only, absolute beings, 
and the eternal salvation of the creature de- 
pends entirely on his direct communion with 
the Creator and their mutual relationship 
without the intervention of any third person 
or corporation. The Episcopalian, on the 



INTRODUCTORY 5 

other hand, believes in the existence of what 
he calls '' The Church " as a substantive body 
or corporation, which plays a vital, or at any 
rate a most important part in the relation 
between the creature and the Creator. He 
believes in what he calls ^'The Sacraments" 
as means of conveying grace from the Creator 
to the creature, and as generally necessary 
to salvation. He accepts the government of 
the Church by bishops, and regards them as 
having received a Divine commission which 
they communicate to others by the laying 
on of hands, and so keep up a body of men 
set apart to rightly and duly administer the 
Sacraments. From the death of Christ until 
the scattered books, making up the canon of 
the New Testament, had been collected, the 
knowledge of the teaching of Christ must 
have existed somewhere, and many Church- 
men contend that this deposit of faith was 
given by Christ to His Church, who must be 
the ultimate teacher on matters of faith, and 
that the Bible was never intended to teach 
doctrine, but only to prove it, and that the 
dogmas of the Church must be sought for in 
the formularies of the Church — its Catechism 



6 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

and Creeds.^ But many Churchmen hold 
opinions which might not be a disqualification 
to their joining any ordinary Nonconformist 
body. This work, however, does not deal 
with the questions between the Church and 
Dissent. The real question involved in the 
Oxford Movement was between the Estab- 
lished Church and the Church of Rome. Is 
there a Church? If so, where and what is 
it? Is the Church of Rome a Church of 
Christ and the English Church another ? Are 
they two Churches, or do they in combination 
either with each other, or with each other 
and, say, the Greek and other Churches, make 
up the entire Church of Christ ? How far do 
variations from or corruptions of the original 
faith and practice, if and so far as they can 
be now ascertained, disqualify any body from 
being deemed to be the Church or part of the 
Church of Christ? Wide questions are in- 
volved in these considerations, and the diffi- 
culty in dealing with them arises partly from 
the nature of the subject, and partly from the 
nature and quality of the materials from which 
the details of the original faith and practice of 
^ See Note A. J. A. Froude on Dogma. 



INTEODUCTORY 7 

the Church must be ascertained.^ The prin- 
cipal of these materials, the writings of ^Hhe 
Fathers," although they contain a large body of 
literature, only begin at a considerable distance 
of time from the death of Christ, although the 
space is now fore-shortened by time, and are 
naturally, from their scattered origins and im- 
methodical and rather miscellaneous characters, 
very difficult to understand or to systematise. 

2. There is, however, no doubt that after the 
death of Christ His teaching spread rapidly, 
and a body of men holding that teaching, and 
also believing in His supernatural character 
and career, rapidly grew up. Scattered 
disciples spread the faith here and there, 
and accordingly bodies of Christians calling 
themselves the Church of this place or that 
gradually were formed — probably for a long 
time with no definite co-relationship with each 
other. The Church at Rome, however, seems 
from obvious reasons to have gradually over- 
shadowed and dominated the Churches in the 
other centres and assumed to itself the head- 
ship of Christianity, and its bishop claimed to 
be head of the Christian Church itself. A 
Church existed and flourished in England 



8 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

many hundred years before the Norman Con- 
quest, but to what extent the Anglo-Saxon 
Church allowed the interference of Eome is 
matter of great dispute, but whether the inter- 
ference was great or small there was no dis- 
tinction between Church and State before 
the Conquest. William the Conqueror and 
Archbishop Lanfranc made great changes. 
The authority of the Pope was recognised. 
Special Romish doctrines such as transub- 
stantiation were disseminated, and the eccle- 
siastical and secular courts were separated, it 
being arranged that civil matters should be de- 
cided by civil courts and ecclesiastical matters 
by ecclesiastical courts, and of course the 
boundaries of their jurisdiction being ill-de- 
fined this led to frequent misunderstandings 
and disputes, and accordingly we find a con- 
stant struggle by the secular power to resist 
the interference of the Bishop of Rome in the 
internal affairs of this country. Concurrently 
with this struggle, the corruption, religious and 
moral of the Church, as governed by and iden- 
tified with Rome, had continuously increased 
until at last came the Reformation, and this 
event, or series of events, the Englishman 



INTEOBUCTOEY 9 

looks upon as constituting a point from which 
the English Church made a distinct and new 
departure. For what did the Reformation 
do? It is supposed to have purified the 
Church of Christ in this country from the 
corruptions, or some of the corruptions, of 
Eome, to have abolished its headship and con- 
trol, and to have placed under the control of 
the secular Government, in the last resort, the 
enumeration and statement of those dogmas, 
which whether essential or not to salvation, 
were to be essential to holding office and pre- 
ferment in the English Church. What the 
Reformation did in fact effect, and how it was 
done, are questions much too complicated for 
this book to discuss at length. Large works 
have been written and angry discussions have 
taken place on the questions by persons ap- 
parently well qualified to discuss them, but 
who arrive at very different conclusions. 
There are, however, several points which 
seem fairly clear. 

The difficulty men had to free their minds 
arose from the old idea at the bottom of the 
idea of the holy Roman Empire, that the State 
and Church were one, just as the body and 



10 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

soul are one, but the insular position of Eng- 
land, the scandals of the papacy, and many 
other special circumstances had weakened and 
almost destroyed the idea in this country. 
The revival of learning which threw ridicule 
on the scholastic theology, and Luther's dis- 
cussions which raised fundamental questions, 
opened men's minds wider to truer concep- 
tions of State and Church, of what they were 
and what they ought to be, and to newer con- 
ceptions of the essentials of the Christian faith. 
At the commencement of the reign of Henry 
VIII. the power and authority of the Roman 
Church were displayed and the dual authority 
of the Church and State accentuated by the 
style and authority of Cardinal Wolsey, and it 
is from his fall that the era of the Reforma- 
tion really dates. Whether it was that Crom- 
well from a wide statesman's view, and Henry, 
on his advice, determined there should only 
be one authority in England in matters ecclesi- 
astical as well as civil, or whether Henry, irri- 
tated by the resistance of the papacy to his 
divorce from Catherine, concluded that such a 
constitution would best bring about his desire 
for a union with Anne Boleyn, or whether an 



INTKODUCTOEY 11 

avaricious desire to appropriate the revenues 
of the Church was the determining factor, are 
interesting questions. Probably all the motives 
had their effect. It is certain that neither 
Cromwell nor Henry was influenced in the 
course he took by any desire to arrive at or 
promote religious truth. Their object was 
secular, and was to unite the civil and ecclesi- 
astical powers in one hand, perhaps for the 
greater peace and benefit of this country, 
perhaps for the greater glory and power of 
the Tudor dynasty and the removal of any 
obstacle to fulfilment of the immediate desire 
of the king, perhaps for the wealth to be so 
acquired or controlled. The measures taken 
were, however, clear, drastic and business-like 
in the extreme. 

3. By the Act 23 Henry VIIL, c. 20, affirmed 
by Henry by Letters Patent in pursuance of 
the Act, the annates or first-fruits, being the 
first year's profits of every archbishopric and 
bishopric, were nojonger to be paid to Rome, 
and by 26 Henry VIIL, c. 3, was granted to 
the Crown for ever not only the first-fruits or 
first year's produce of all bishoprics, benefices 
and other clerical preferments, but also a tenth 



12 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

part of the annual revenues of such prefer- 
ments. These Acts largely stopped the enor- 
mous drain of money from England to Rome, 
and the fund known as '^ Queen Anne's Bounty 
for the augmentation of the livings of the 
poorer clergy " was nearly 200 years after 
derived from the first-fruits and tenths. Acts 
were also passed by Henry by virtue of which 
many monasteries were suppressed and their 
lands confiscated. 

There were four great Acts in the reign of 
Henry VIII. by which the change was mainly 
effected. 

(1) By the Act of Appeals (24 Henry VIII., 
c. 12) testamentary, matrimonial and divorce 
causes, and rights of tithes, oblations and ob- 
ventions, were from thenceforth to be heard 
and determined within the king's jurisdiction 
and not elsewhere — in such courts spiritual 
and temporal as the nature of the causes should 
require, and no papal or other foreign citations, 
processes, interdicts or excommunications were 
to be regarded. 

(2) By the Act of Submission (25 Henry 
VIII. , c. 19) no new canons were to be made 
in convocation without the royal licence, and 



INTKODUCTOEY 13 

it was also provided that no manner of appeals 
should be made to Rome, but all manner of 
appeals should be made in accordance with the 
Act of Appeals, and as the ultimate appeal 
mentioned in that Act was to the archbishop, 
the Act of Submission provided a further ap- 
peal from any court of the archbishop to the 
king in the Court of Chancery, to be heard by 
commissioners named by the king. This ulti- 
mate jurisdiction is now vested in the Judicial 
Committee of the Privy Council. 

(3) The Election of Bishops Act (25 Henry 
VIII., c. 20) provided that no archbishop or 
bishop was to be presented to the Bishop of 
Rome, and also provided for the election, con- 
firmation and consecration of archbishops and 
bishops. 

(4) The Archiepiscopal Licences Act (25 
Henry VIII., c. 21) provided that the Arch- 
bishop of Canterbury might grant any licence 
or dispensation which the Pope had been in 
the habit of granting for causes not being con- 
trary to the Scriptures or the Law of God. It 
is by virtue of this Act that the Archbishop 
of Canterbury now grants special licences for 
marriage at any time and place. 



14 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Henry moreover passed an Act of Suprem- 
acy (26 Henry VIII., c. 1) which enacted 
that the kings of this realm should be taken 
and accepted and reputed '' the only Supreme 
head in earth of the Church of England," but 
this Act was repealed by Queen Mary, and 
not afterwards revived.^ 

These measures completely freed the English 
Church from the authority of Rome, and all 
details of internal affairs became subject to 
the control of the State. Although Henry 
and his advisers were not influenced by any 
desire to arrive at precise theological truth, 
there were many men in the Church who, 
awakened by the revival of learning, by the 
dissemination of the Scriptures, owing to the 
labours of Tyndale and others, by the teaching 
of Luther, Calvin and other reformers, and by 
conviction of the gross abuses of Rome, re- 
garded these measures as steps by means of 
which a reformed religion might be established 

1 See Note B at the end of this chapter for Dr. Tulloch's 
view of the character of the English Reformation. See 
also the Thirty- seventh Article and the Declaration prefixed 
to the Articles for a statement of the position of the King 
as Governor of the Church and his relation to Convocation. 



INTKODUCTORY 15 

in this country. The separation from Rome 
involved two great struggles — one respecting 
the shape of the formularies and Articles of 
belief of the separated English Church, and 
the other respecting conformity to those formu- 
laries and Articles, and incidentally the right 
of religious belief in this country. 

In the reign of Edward VI. two Acts of 
Uniformity were passed, each accompanied 
by a Book of Common Prayer in English, the 
use of which was enjoined. The first book, 
1549, speaks of the Communion Service as 
^' The Supper of the Lord and the Holy Com- 
munion commonly called The Mass," but in 
the second book, 1552, among other alterations 
in a Protestant direction, the use of the word 
^^Mass" is discontinued, and it never reap- 
peared in the Prayer-book. In Edward's reign 
too it was enacted that the administration of 
the Sacrament should be in both kinds and 
that the marriage of priests be permitted. 

Queen Mary having repealed the Reforma- 
tion Acts in force at her accession, the statutes 
against foreign jurisdiction were revived by 
Queen Elizabeth by the Act 1 Elizabeth, c. 1, 
with the exception of Henry's Act of Suprem- 



16 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

acy (26 Henry VIII., c. 1), which so continued 
repealed. Elizabeth also passed an Act of 
Uniformity (1 Elizabeth, c. 2) which revived 
with some alterations the second Prayer-book 
of Edward VI., e.g., the two sentences of the 
first and second books of Edward VI. were 
combined into the present form of administra- 
tion of Holy Communion. The great Act of 
Elizabeth's reign was the Act (13 Elizabeth, 
c. 12) entitled '' An Act to reform certain dis- 
orders touching Ministers of the Church," 
which required clerical subscription to the 
Thirty-nine Articles agreed upon by Convo- 
cation in 1562, for the avoiding of diversities 
of opinions and for the Stablishing of Consent 
touching true religion. The declaration pre- 
fixed by Charles I. to the Thirty -nine Articles 
was drawn up by Archbishop Laud in 1628, 
and is added to the Prayer-book prescribed 
by the Act of Uniformity of 1662. Omitting 
discussion of the canons of 1603 or of the 
Hampton Court Revision in 1604 of the Prayer- 
book, the great Act of Uniformity of 1662 
(14 Charles II., c. 4) required the use of the 
Book of Common Prayer as we now have it 
(qualified by the Amendment Act of 1872), 



INTRODUCTOEY 17 

and which is in fact the Elizabethan Book of 
Common Prayer with certain additions and 
alterations presented by the convocations of 
Canterbury and York. The additions and al- 
terations were numerous, but not of radical 
importance. 

The first struggle thus resulted in the 
Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty-nine 
Articles substantially as we now have them. 
They are obviously a compromise between the 
mere lay statesmen and the religious reformers 
who desired to embody in the formularies and 
Articles those principles and doctrines which 
are commonly called Protestant as opposed 
to Romish on the one hand or Latitudinarian 
on the other. ^ 

The other consequential struggle arose from 
the idea that the secular and religious autho- 
rities were necessarily one. There was one 
State and one Church. The idea that each 
unit of the State should be at liberty to formu- 
late his own belief and his own form of worship 
was scarcely conceivable then, but that right 
which really included the right to have teachers 

^ See Notes C and D at the end of this chapter for an 
Anglican view of the origin of the Prayer-book and Articles. 

2 



18 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

of those special views was gradually conceded, 
and it is only within comparatively recent 
times that religious disabilities which assumed 
that every one who did not conform was for 
many purposes outside the civil pale have 
been practically removed. It was only after 
a great struggle that the London University 
was authorised, and a still greater struggle 
that Oxford and Cambridge were thrown 
open. The struggle for uniformity is not yet 
settled, but it is now mainly between persons 
who all profess to be members of the Estab- 
lished Church. 

The Movement which so broadened down 
to religious toleration and almost to religious 
equality was not an isolated Movement. Co- 
temporaneously a struggle went on for civil 
liberty and equality, and in the life of the 
community it is impossible to sever the two 
movements. And a third influence quieter 
and more insidious was the increase of learn- 
ing, especially in history, philosophy and the 
physical sciences. All these together make 
modern history a very complicated study, and 
it is absolutely impossible to divide it into 
compact and separate departments. 



INTEODUCTOEY 19 

The Tudor period, when the modern Move- 
ment really began, is marked by disturbances, 
as might be expected when changes of such 
far-reaching importance were begun and at- 
tempted to be developed. Persecutions and 
counter-persecutions were the natural pheno- 
mena of the time, there being little doubt that 
the Government of the time was influenced 
mainly by political motives, while many, per- 
haps most of the sufferers, were martyrs who 
suffered for conscience' sake. 

4. In the Stuart period the political struggle' 
with Rome was practically over, but with 
weak kings and the strong development of 
Protestantism, aided by the political mistakes 
of Charles I. and James II., the flight of James 
left the Established Church in possession of 
power, but with great liberty to Nonconfor- 
mists and a Crown resting on a Parliamentary 
title. In this period Romanism had been 
stunned, but there were many divines who 
taught what they considered to be Catholic 
doctrines, but which to the rabid Independent 
were not distinguishable from those of Rome, 
especially those respecting the authority of 

the Church, the Apostolical Succession and 

2 * 



20 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

the efficacy of the Sacraments. The divine 
right of kings was naturally a burning ques- 
tion during this period, but little was heard of 
it after the reign of Anne. The divines just 
referred to may be regarded as the founders 
of the modern High Church branch of the 
Church of England. The other conformists 
who took no special part may be looked on 
as the general body of the Church, but not 
Low Church as now understood. The Broad 
Church may perhaps have had some historical 
origin in the interesting men known as the 
Cambridge Platonists. During the time of 
the G-eorges the Church sank into a state of 
sloth and lethargy, theological learning was in 
decay, the services were slackly performed. 
It was mainly a machinery by which a moder- 
ate living was provided for moderate men 
from whom very moderate things were ex- 
pected. The laity did not expect any great 
learning or spiritual fervour from their clergy, 
but they desired to be baptised, married and 
buried according to the ritual of the Church, 
and it was good form to attend once a 
week to hear the Church Service read. 
The Universities of Oxford and Cambridge 



INTRODUCTORY 21 

were practically dead. There were, however, 
here and there in country livings and among 
the Fellows of colleges traditions preserved of 
the old High Church doctrines and of the old 
broad views, but it was not until Wesley's day 
that life began to move again in the Church. 
Wesley, a Church of England clergyman, and 
his followers impressed strenuously on the 
minds of the people the importance of the 
question, What shall I do to be saved ? Its 
answer. Justification by Faith, was simple. 
He undoubtedly woke up the spiritual life of 
the country, though his teaching and measures 
led ultimately to an organisation separate from 
that of the Established Church. The few 
representatives of the High Church and Broad 
Church despised the Wesleyans for their en- 
thusiasm and ignorance, forgetting that they 
themselves were little but dead bones. The 
destruction of baronial power by the wars of 
the Roses and the Tudors, and the political 
movements in the reigns of the Stuarts which 
completely curbed the kingly power, had re- 
sulted in making the government of this 
country a Constitutional Monarchy. The ) 
king was no doubt the head, but he could 



22 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

only act on the advice of his responsible 
ministers, and they were responsible to and 
removable by Parliament. The theory of the 
divine right of kings could not survive the 
Act of Settlement. The whole theory of 
Government rested on a contract between 
king and people. 

5. The wars which began with William of 
Orange and ended with Waterloo prevented 
much attention being given to the solution of 
political problems, but the exhaustion of the 
country consequent on that prolonged struggle, 
the enormous misery of the mass of the people, 
and the partial destruction of respect for the 
throne which had taken place during the reign 
of the Georges, had brought the country to 
such a perilous state that responsible states- 
men had no alternative between revolution 
and parliamentary reform, and hence the Re- 
form Bill of 1832 was at last passed. The 
great Reform Act of 1832, which on the face 
of it merely reformed the House of Commons, 
was really a great revolution. It marked the 
end of the oligarchical period, when the govern- 
ment of the country was really in the hands 
of the aristocratic and landed classes, mainly 



INTEODUCTORY 23 

belonging to the Church of England, who filled 
the House of Lords, and by their influence 
controlled the Lower House. The Reform 
Act, however, by abolishing pocket boroughs,^ 
by extending the suffrage, and by redistribu- 
tion, placed power in the hands of the middle 
classes largely embued with the Nonconformist 
spirit, and was the beginning of the political 
movements whose aim was political and re- 
ligious equality. The Reform Act was a 
new departure, as important politically as the 
measures of Henry VIII. severing the English 
Church from Rome were important ecclesi- 
astically. If any one did not appreciate the 
importance of the political movement, the 
measures proposed by the first reformed 
Parliament must have been a rather rude 
awakening. The Reform Act of 1832 was 
however no isolated movement. The stupend- 
ous political, social and religious eruption 
known as the French Revolution had not 
merely obliterated the ancient political, social 
and religious organisation of France, but had 
set free an enormous amount of speculation 
which spread over all Europe and largely de- 
stroyed the old acquiescence of men in things 



u^ 



24 SHOET HISTOKY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

as they were, and led them to inquire more 
carefully into the foundations of Society and 
of Religion itself, and thus caused enormous 
alarm among those who considered themselves 
to be the guardians of social order and of the 
means of salvation. The wildest speculations, 
political, social and religious, were the common- 
places of the day. 

In the endeavour to ascertain the state of 
affairs in 1832, attention has been drawn to the 
two lines of development in English history, 
ecclesiastical and political, but the other quieter 
and more insidious influences arising from the 
discovery of printing and the consequent dis- 
semination of knowledge must not be over- 
looked. Bacon first taught men to look at 
phenomena from the real scientific point of 
view, that is the inductive, and although his 
philosophy appears to have lain dormant for 
many years because the necessary materials 
had not been accumulated, the spirit was there 
and worked. The Deistic controversies had 
accustomed men to discuss abstruse theo- 
logical dogmas from rather wider points of 
view than had in earlier ages been possible. 
Locke had brought a great deal of hard 



INTRODUCTORY 25 

common sense to bear in his theory that all 
knowledge was acquired through the senses. 
Gibbon had shown how history should be 
studied and written, and had incidentally in- 
sinuated that many Christian beliefs were 
mere illusions. Scott, by his romanticism, had 
helped to teach men to throw themselves into 
remoter periods, and try to see them as the 
men of those periods did. Germany, by a suc- 
cession of philosophers whose teaching showed 
that Locke and his school had taken too hard 
and narrow a view, and that there were more 
things in the intellect and soul than had been 
dreamt of in that narrow school, had done 
useful service, and although almost entirely 
unknown at first hand in this country, the 
speculations of S. T. Coleridge had to some 
extent familiarised the minds of reading men in 
this country with some of the results of German 
philosophy. 

6. The Act of 1832 not merely transferred 
power from the aristocratic and landed classes 
to the middle and possibly soon to the lower 
classes, but opened a vista of immediate con- 
sequential radical reform in Church and State, 
one of the first of which was the proposed 



26 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

suppression of some at least of the many 
bishoprics in Ireland. The only seats of 
liberal education in this country, Oxford 
and Cambridge, were closed to all except 
members of the Established Church. As 
institutions for the promotion of sound learn- 
ing they were practically extinct, as seminaries 
of religious teaching they were asleep.^ Al- 
though toleration of religious belief was now 
allowed and active persecution was practically 
at an end, Nonconformity was heavily handi- 
capped in the race of life. The Established 
Church itself, safe for many years in posses- 
sion, had practically gone to sleep. As before 
stated, here and there a little of the old High 
Church learning and feeling had survived, in 
other places a little of the old broad or pla- 
tonist feeling, in many more places such teach- 
ing as there was was Evangelical, caught 
from the fervour of Wesleyanism, but in the 
vast majority of places there was a dull per- 
formance of the services without learning, 
without enthusiasm, one might almost say 
without belief, certainly without any active 
vivifying influence. The only survival of real 
1 See Note E to this chapter on the state of Oxford. 



INTRODUCTORY 27 

religious belief, and of active religious teach- 
ing, seemed to be in the Nonconformist 
bodies, and mainly in the Methodist Societies 
which had now assumed almost the dimen- 
sions and position of a Church. To appreciate 
more accurately, however, the intellectual and 
spiritual outlook of the time, it is necessary 
to subtract the achievements of the Victoria 
Era. The great conquests of physical science, 
the molecular theory, the theory of the cor- 
relation of physical forces, the theory of evolu- 
tion, the discoveries of biology, the comparative 
study of institutions, political and religious, 
the study of the Sacred Books of the East, 
the investigation of the origin of the Old and 
New Testament and their critical study, the 
new philosophy, — all these things must be 
taken into account and subtracted from the 
present mass of knowledge and theory, before 
we can fully appreciate and estimate the 
emptiness and ignorance of the learning of 
the earlier times. Speaking generally of the 
leaders of the Movement, Professor Jowett 
{W. G. Ward and the Oxford Movement, p. 
432) says : '' None of the leaders were I think 
at that time acquainted with German except 



28 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Dr. Pusey, who employed his knowledge for 
the most part in the refutation of the old 
German Rationalism. To say the truth, the 
learning of that day was of a rather attenuated 
sort. The energy and ability of that genera- 
tion were out of all proportion to their attain- 
ments. Hardly any one had read the works 
of Kant and Hegel which have since exercised 
a great influence upon Oxford study. Very 
little was known of Plato. The philosophy 
of that day was contained in Aristotle's Ethics 
and Rhetoric and in Butler's Analogy and 
Sermons'' 

It was in this state of things that the 
Oxford Movement began. 



NOTE A. 

Mr. J. A. Froude on Piety and Dogmatic 
Theology. 

History of England, vol. ix., c. 16, pp. 301-2. 

*'The rules of life as delivered in the 
Gospels were too simple and too difficult : 
too simple, because men could not thus readily 
shake off the dark associations which had 
grown around the idea of the Almighty ; too 
difficult, because the perfect goodness thus as- 
signed to Him admitted no compromise, re- 
fused the Ritualistic contrivances which had 
been the substitute for practical piety, and 
exacted imperatively the sacrifice which man 
ever found most difficult — the sacrifice of him- 
self. Thus for the religion of Christ was ex- 
changed the Christian religion. God gave the 
gospel ; the father of lies invented theology ; 
and while the duty of obedience was still 

29 



30 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

preached, and the perfect goodness of the 
Father in heaven, that goodness was resolved 
into a mystery of which human intelligence 
was not allowed to apprehend the meaning. 
The highest obedience was conceived to lie in 
the profession of particular dogmas on inscrut- 
able problems of metaphysics, the highest dis- 
obedience in the refusal to admit propositions, 
which neither those who drew them, nor those 
to whom they were offered, professed to be 
able to understand. Forgiveness and mercy 
were proclaimed for moral oflfences ; the worst 
sins were made light of in comparison with 
heresy ; while it was insisted that the God of 
love, revealed by Christ, would torture in hell- 
fire for ever and for ever the souls of those who 
had held wrong opinions on the composition of 
His nature, however pure and holy their lives 
and conversation might be." 



NOTE B. 

Dr. Tulloch on the Special Character of 
THE English Reformation. 

Rational Theology y p. 37. 

^^ The Reformation in England was singular 
amongst the great religious movements of the 
sixteenth century. It was the least heroic of 
them all — the least swayed by religious pas- 
sion, or moulded and governed by spiritual and 
theological necessities. From a general point 
of view, it looks at first little more than a 
great political change. The exigencies of 
royal passion, and the dubious impulses of 
statecraft, seem its moving and really power- 
ful springs. But, regarded more closely, we 
recognise a significant train both of religious 
and critical forces at work. The lust and 
avarice of Henry, the policy of Cromwell, and 
the vacillation of the leading clergy, attract 

31 



32 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

prominent notice ; but there may be traced 
beneath the surface a widespread Evangelical 
fervour amongst the people, and, above all, a 
genuine spiritual earnestness and excitement 
of thought at the Universities." 



NOTE C. 

The Prayer-Book. 

Hook, Lives of the Archbishops of Canterbury ^ 
vol. xi., advt. p. x. 

'' During the Middle Ages our own Church 
was not in possession of a Book of Common 
Prayer. Various dioceses . . . adopted dif- 
ferent formularies under the style of ' Uses \ 
In the words of the Prayer-book there had 
been great diversity in saying and singing in the 
Churches of this realm, some following Salis- 
bury use, some Hereford use, and some the use 
of Bangor, some of York, some of Lincoln. It 
was a grand idea to determine upon the adop- 
tion of one use for the entire Church. A step 
was taken in advance when the two Prayer- 
books of Edward VI. were adopted. But 
we may regard it as a providential mercy that 
the reformers of that reign were obliged to 
leave their work incomplete, for it is impossible 

33 3 



34 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

to conjecture the extent to which the weak- 
ness of Cranmer and his coadjutors would have 
carried them in the way of concession (especi- 
ally when they called in the aid of foreigners) 
if they had not been stopped in their career. 
A wise course was adopted on the accession 
of Queen Elizabeth, at the instigation of Parker, 
when the Prayer-books of Edward VI. were 
made the basis of the public formularies 
adopted in the reign of the great Queen, — 
Parker not seeking to please foreigners or 
sects in communion with them, but to adhere 
to positive truth. The Prayer-book then 
established remained in force until its further 
and final reformation, through the Amendments 
adopted by the two Convocations of Canter- 
bury and York, was ratified by the Act of 
Uniformity under King Charles II. The 
Prayer-book then reformed has continued 
unchanged until the present time." 



NOTE D. 

The Thiety-Nine Articles. 

Hook, Lives of the Archbishops oj Canterbury ^ 
vol. ix., p. 328. 

" No wonder that complaint was . . . made 
of a diversity of preaching on the part of the 
preachers ; nor are we surprised that in con- 
sequence of this complaint it was considered 
necessary, not indeed to devise a scheme of 
theology, but to take measures to create an 
agreement upon certain of the more prominent 
points of controversy, amongst those whose 
business it was to instruct a people whose 
ignorance was, taking the mass of them, pro- 
found. . . . 

'' This was the origin of the far-famed Thirty- 
nine Articles. Parker clearly understood the 
nature of the task which devolved upon him. 
He was not to draw up a new scheme of 
doctrine. It had been already ruled that, in 
the Church of England, the preachers were to 

36 3* 



36 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

accept the tradition of the Church and to carry- 
it on, except when synods, on comparing the 
tradition with Holy Scripture — the fallible 
tradition with the infallible Word of God — 
had found the tradition to be at fault. Amid 
the entangled web of human controversy 
Parker had to point out what, in their teach- 
ing, the preachers were to avoid ; or if there 
was recourse, in any instance, to dogma, it 
was simply because it was only by a statement 
of fact that the nature of a controversy could 
be debated. Certain things the English clergy 
were not to teach, because, upon those par- 
ticular points, the Church of England had 
spoken authoritatively ; beyond this there was 
liberty. They were not to inquire what 
Luther or Calvin opined, but what the Church 
in all ages had taught, and what the English 
Church in her late synods, held under the 
authority of the sovereign, had decreed. 

" That the Thirty-nine Articles were in- 
tended to be articles of peace is an assertion 
which cannot be substantiated by history. 
There was no immediate attempt to force men 
to concur in opinion ; this Parker knew to be 
an impossibility ; the desire was to prevent them 



THE THIRTY-NINE ARTICLES 37 

from disputing in public, by showing that on 
certain controverted points the Church, in 
synod, had given judgment ; and men were 
called to act modestly by ' hearing the Church '. 
That the Thirty-nine Articles as drawn up by 
Parker were controversial articles we may 
admit — we may even contend; but, as we 
have shown, the controversy was not directed 
against the Catholic party, as is sometimes 
supposed. The Catholics were in possession 
of most of the Churches ; the Romanists, using 
the word in its strict sense, had already left 
the Church — that is, those who insisted upon 
the papal supremacy had quitted their perfer- 
ments and had gone abroad ; a large party, 
the vast majority of the clergy, remained in the 
English Church, reprobating popery, but re- 
taining a love for mediaeval practices if not 
always for mediaeval doctrine, and among 
those there were some who were willing to 
abjure allegiance to the Pope, but who could 
not make up their minds to take the oath of 
royal supremacy as tendered by the Govern- 
ment. This large body of both clergy and 
laity Cecil, as a statesman, had no wish to 
offend ; the Queen had an abhorrence of 



38 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Calvin and the Calvinistic tenets ; and the 
Archbishop himself was accused, and he ad- 
mitted to a certain extent the justice of the 
charge, that he treated this body of men with 
leniency ; he declined when they conducted 
themselves peaceably to press upon them the 
Oath of Supremacy. Add to this what has 
been before affirmed, that all political parties 
were at this time afraid, not of the Catholics, 
but of the ultra-Protestants, and it will be 
admitted that when modern controversialists 
would assume an exclusive Protestant char- 
acter for the Thirty-nine Articles, they speak 
from conjecture, not from history. So far 
from denying that they are opposed to much 
which is now called Romanism, the historian 
must affirm it ; but his affirmation must be 
equally strong, that they are in the same de- 
gree opposed to much which in these days 
would be regarded as Protestantism. 

*'The Articles will never be clearly under- 
stood unless their strictly controversial char- 
acter, as well as their position in combating 
the two extremes, be fully admitted. They 
are sometimes censured as containing an im- 
perfect statement of doctrine; this criticism. 



THE THIETY-NINE AKTICLES 39 

however, vanishes when, on an appeal to his- 
tory, it is found that no general statement of 
doctrine was intended, and that a statement 
on certain controverted points of theology or 
religious practice then in vogue was all that 
was intended, as, indeed, it is all that we find. 
To the careless reader it may appear that this 
statement is contradicted by the first five 
Articles ; but upon examination it will be 
found that they had a controversial aspect, 
and stand opposed, not to Romanism, much 
less to Catholicism, but to ultra-Protestantism. 
The Nicene doctrine, so clearly stated in the 
Articles, was accepted by Catholics of every 
shade of opinion, whether Anglo Catholics or 
Roman Catholics ; they were when not opposed 
only partially accepted by ultra-Protestants, 
of whom the Queen and statesmen who now 
imposed the Articles had a just abhorrence — 
the Anabaptists, the Arians, the Libertines, 
and ' Unitarians ' of every form ; and to these 
perhaps the learned reader will add the Calvin- 
ists, for although Calvin accepted the doctrine 
of the Trinity, he did not receive the Nicene 
definition of that Divine truth — the definition 
adopted in the Articles." 



NOTE E. 

State of the University of Oxford before 
THE Accession of Queen Victoria. 

Article by Mr. C. A. Fyflfe in The Reign of 
Queen Victoria (Smith, Elder & Co., 1887), 
vol. ii., pp. 288, 291. 

^ "It may be doubted whether any so-called 
learned society, professing at the same time to 
be an educational body, ever sank lower than 
the University of Oxford in the last century. 
There were, no doubt, throughout the worst 
times some few men who privately pursued 
study ; but when this has been said, all has 
been said. The University and the Colleges 
neither taught, nor maintained discipline, nor 
examined. The professors had, with rare ex- 
ceptions, ceased to lecture ; there was no 
examination for degrees ; there were no dis- 
tinctions for merit — within the Colleges the 
Fellowships were with some few exceptions 

40 



OXFORD UNIVERSITY BEFORE VICTORIA 41 

appropriated to persons born in particular 
localities, or educated at particular schools, 
or connected by descent with the founder; 
moreover, the great majority of Fellows were 
bound to be clergymen. The scholarships 
were in part attached to schools, the remainder 
were usually bestowed by favour, as pieces of 
private patronage. In some cases, as at New 
College, the nomination to a school scholar- 
ship carried with it the certainty of a College 
scholarship and fellowship ; such nominations 
were therefore sought as soon as a child was 
born, and the Fellow of New College was in 
fact appointed in his cradle. Every under- 
graduate on matriculation was compelled to 
subscribe to the Thirty-nine Articles, and to 
declare himself a member of the Church of 
England. The University was thus closed to 
Nonconformists. Most of those who came 
up, came with the view of taking orders, and 
the University was regarded both within and 
without as in the main a training place for the 
clergy. But the instruction given amounted 
to little or nothing ; life was loose and coarse, 
and at the end of three or four years' residence 
a man might take his degree and go away with 



42 SHOKT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

no more knowledge than he brought up with 
him. Among the resident Fellows there was 
scarcely a pretence of learning or of the love 
of it. They were dull, often hard-drinking 
men, who had gained their posts without ex- 
ertion, and held them without profit to them- 
selves or others, waiting for the time when a 
college living should enable them to marry 
,and to devote their days to domestic ease. 

'^ It was at the beginning of the present 
century that light began to break in upon 
these dark places. It was felt to be a scandal- 
ous thing that the University should give its 
degrees without any examination ; and the 
first step in reform was the establishment of 
an examination for the B.A. degree, accom- 
panied by the publication of the names of the 
twelve men who had most distinguished them- 
selves. This rudimentary separation of the 
sheep from the goats soon afterwards developed 
into the Honour Lists in Classics and Mathe- 
matics ; and from this time the spirit of emu- 
lation, though working in a comparatively 
narrow circle and under many discouraging 
conditions, brought back to Oxford elements 
of vitality which had been absent for genera- 
tions. Peel, Keble, Arnold, Whately, Milman, 



OXFORD UNIVERSITY BEFORE VICTORIA 43 

adorned the early class-lists. Ere long the 
better Colleges began to think of opening their 
Fellowships to general competition. Whether 
there existed any authority but the legislature 
which could legally alter the existing statutes 
with antiquated preferences and restrictions, 
was more than doubtful. Two Colleges, how- 
ever, took the law into their own hands. 
Oriel, throwing open its Fellowships, made 
itself the home of a body of men of whom 
many were destined to leave their mark on 
English life. Balliol, opening its scholarships 
as well as its Fellowships, gained an educa- 
tional pre-eminence which it retains to this 
day. Beyond this reform did not far extend. 
The Tractarian Movement, which began soon 
after 1832, gave indeed a certain stimulus 
to learning, but it was primarily to learning 
of a theological kind. ... At the accession 
therefore of Queen Victoria, Oxford had in- 
deed risen some degrees above the low- water 
mark to which it had sunk under the Georges. 
Men of eminence were not wanting to it. Its 
studies, however, were still narrow, its consti- 
tution radically bad, its usefulness restricted 
to members of the Church of England, its 
spirit exclusive and ecclesiastical." 



CHAPTER II. 

THE LEADEES. 

Whately — Keble — Fkoude — Newman — 
PusEY — AND Others. 

Without attempting anything in the nature 
of biography, it may nevertheless be useful to 
give an introductory sketch down to the com- 
mencement of the Movement of the more dis- 
tinguished men whose names are associated 
with it. 

1. Archbishop Whately would have been 
very much surprised if it had been suggested 
to him that his name would be mentioned in 
this connection, since he left Oxford for Dublin 
in 1831, and regarded both Evangelicalism and 
Ecclesiasticism as mere forms of bigotry, but 
he undoubtedly helped to create an atmo- 
sphere in Oxford which rendered the Move- 
ment possible. 

Whately was born in 1787, the son of a 

44 



THE LEADERS 45 

Prebendary of Bristol ; he was educated pri- 
vately, entered Oriel in 1805, took a double 
second in 1808, became Fellow in 1811, and 
married in 1821. In 1822 he left Oxford for 
the living of Halesworth in Suffolk, but re- 
turned in 1825, when he was appointed Prin- 
cipal of St. Alban Hall. He was appointed 
Archbishop of Dublin in 1831, and then finally 
left Oxford. He was an oddity with ability 
and force and complete freedom from conven- 
tionality. In his early Oxford days he was 
known as the '^ White Bear," from his white 
hat, rough white coat, and huge white dog. 
Later on he gave amusement to the public and 
scandal to the Dons by exhibiting in Christ- 
church Meadow the exploits of his dog 
'' Sailor," a large spaniel whom he had taught 
to climb the high trees hanging over the 
Cherwell, from which it would often drop into 
the river below. He was a great eater and 
smoker, and a loud talker. At St. Alban's he 
used to lecture his undergraduates lying on a 
sofa with one leg over the back or end. He 
was not a student nor an accomplished scholar. 
His range of reading was narrow, but his 
favourite authors were suggestive and fur- 



46 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

nished ready texts which gave employment to 
his powers of thought, and of tracing out 
ideas in all their ramifications. Stuart Mill 
in speaking of Whately's philosophical investi- 
gations, and in language apparently adopted by 
Whately's biographer, says : '' Of all persons in 
modern times entitled to the name of philoso- 
phers, the two, probably, whose reading was 
the scantiest in proportion to their intellectual 
capacity were Archbishop Whately and Dr. 
Brown. But though indolent readers they 
were both of them active and fertile thinkers." 
His final test being common sense, the regions 
of imagination and taste scarcely existed for 
him. The daily occupation of his brain was 
to seize on some notion of what he considered 
a practical order, to follow it out and to bring 
it home turned from a mere germ into a com- 
plete production. Where Whately was, there 
was everlasting discussion on Politics, Philo- 
sophy, Church Constitution, Church Doctrine, 
and other subjects which might for the time 
interest academic circles. He was perpetually 
"chopping logic" either with himself or the 
companions whom he used as anvils upon\ 
which to hammer his thoughts into shape. 



THE LEADERS 47 

His position as a Churchman was somewhere 
between the High Churchman and the Low 
Churchman. His common sense rejected the 
dogmas of the one as not justified by suf- 
ficiently clear authority, and despised the 
intangible and emotional creed of the other. 
Oriel College in Whately's time contained, ac- 
cording to the Rev. Thomas Mozley,^ some of 
the most distinguished personages, the most 
vigorous minds, and the most attractive char- 
acters in Oxford. Its most prominent talkers, 
preachers, and writers, says Mr. Mozley, 
" seemed to be always undermining if not 
actually demolishing received traditions and 
institutions," and in this new Oriel sect — the 
Noetic as it was called — Whately was one of 
the pre-eminent. Mr. Mark Pattison says : '^ 
"The Noetics knew nothing of the philoso- 
phical movement which was taking place on 
the Continent ; they were imbued neither with 
Kant nor Rousseau, yet this knot of Oriel men 
was distinctly the product of the French Re- 
volution. They called everything in question ; 
they appealed to first principles and disallowed 

1 Reminiscences, vol. i., pp. 18, 19. 
^Memoirs, p. 79. 



r\ 



I 



48 SHOUT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

authority as a judge in intellectual matters. 
There was a wholesome intellectual ferment 
constantly maintained in the Oriel Common- 
room." Whately's real contribution to the 
Movement was the creation of an atmosphere 
of discussion in which traditions, institutions 
and doctrines were freely discussed and their 
origin and authority looked into. Whately 
was a voluminous writer, and as a man was 
honest, straight and free from any trace of 
meanness. 

I 2. In the same year, 1811, that Whately was 
' elected Fellow of Oriel, there was also elected 
Fellow of the same College a youth not quite 
nineteen named John Keble, a striking con- 
.trast in many respects to Whately.^ Keble 
was born in 1792, being thus eight years older 
than Dr. Pusey (1800), nine than Newman 
(1801), and eleven than Hurrell Froude (1803). 
He was the elder son of a Gloucestershire 
country clergyman of some family with Cava- 
lier and Nonjuring traditions, and a man of 
character and scholarship, who prepared both 
his sons for Oxford. John Keble entered 
Corpus Christi College early in 1807, having 
gained a scholarship the previous December, 



/^ 



THE LEADEES 49 

and in 1810, when little over eighteen, he ob- 
tained a double first in Glassies and Mathe- 
matics, and in April, 1811, just before his 
nineteenth birthday, he was elected to an open 
Fellowship at Oriel. In the following year he 
gained both the Chancellor's essays, the Eng- 
lish and the Latin. For some years he was 
employed with private pupils and after his 
ordination in parochial work, but in 1818 he 
was appointed tutor at Oriel, and so remained 
till 1823, when he left Oxford for a curacy near 
his father, and after some time took the small 
living of Hursley, where he remained till his 
death. 

When Keble left Oxford in 1823 he was 
followed by several pupils — Robert Wilber- 
force, Isaac Williams (afterwards curate to 
Newman) and Hurrell Froude, afterwards 
Fellow and Tutor of Oriel, and the link 
between Keble and Newman. 

Keble, shy, modest and country-bred, had 
come up to Oxford, as Dr. Pusey said, " a fresh, 
glad, bright, joyous boy". As a tutor in the 
society of the pupils who joined him in the 
country, his nature expanded and their inter- 
course was free, afi'ectionate, joyous and play- 



50 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

ful. The gardener's comment was : " There is 
master, the greatest boy of them all ". 

At Oxford, although he was as Newman 
said the first man in Oxford, he was absolutely 
free from common pride. He was from the 
first, what he always remained, shy, modest, 
unambitious. He pushed no claims. The 
only piece of ecclesiastical promotion which 
came in his way was the Archdeaconry of 
Barbados, offered him in 1824 by Bishop 
Coleridge. He would probably have accepted 
gladly the Provostship of Oriel, vacant in 1827 
through Copleston's appointment as Bishop of 
Llandaff and Dean of St. Paul's. The head- 
ship lay between Hawkins and Keble, but 
Hawkins was a resident tutor in full work, 
also a double first class man and a man of a 
shrewd practical wisdom and keenness. The 
balance was turned against Keble by Newman 
and Pusey, neither of whom then knew Keble 
intimately, and in the end Keble withdrew from 
the candidateship. Keble was not, however, 
the completely perfect man his admirers and 
biographers would represent him to have been. 
His training, says the Eev. Thomas Mozley,^ 

^ Beminiscences, vol. i., p. 219. 



THE LEADERS 51 

^' had not that admixture of roughness which is 
necessary to fit a man for the work of the world. 
He could only live in a calm and sweet atmo- 
sphere of his own. He had not the qualities 
for controversy and debate which are necessary 
for any kind of public life. He very soon lost 
his temper in discussion. It is true there 
were one or two in our College who might 
have tried the temper of an angel, but there 
was really no getting on with Keble without 
entire agreement, that is submission." In later 
life this frame of mind developed into some- 
thing like a modified feeling of papal infalli- 
bility. 

In 1831 he undertook to edit Hooker's 
works, and towards the end of the year he 
was elected Professor of Poetry. His theory 
was (letter to Sir J. T. Coleridge, 13th Feb., 
1832) to consider poetry as a vent for over- 
charged feelings, or a full imagination, and so 
account for the various classes into which 
poets naturally fall, by reference to the various 
objects which are apt to fill and overpower 
the mind so as to require a sort of relief. 
Then there would come in a grand distinction 

between what he called primary and second- 

4 * 



52 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

ary poets, the first poetising for their own 
relief, the second for any other reason. The 
principal poets are examined by this test and 
classed accordingly. The lectures were de- 
livered in Latin and have never been trans- 
lated. It cannot be said that they ever 
attracted much notice, partly because the 
audience must have been very limited, but 
mainly because there was nothing very strik- 
ing or original in the subject or its treatment 
by him beyond what any man of Keble's 
knowledge, reading and general culture might 
be expected to produce when set down to per- 
form a task. However, the professorship did 
fulfil what Keble's friends had in view. Dur- 
ing its continuance it naturally brought him 
up from his country cure, renewed his ac- 
quaintance with Oxford and Oxford men, and 
extended and consolidated his influence as an 
unworldly scholar and a loyal and devoted 
priest of the Anglican Church. It was more- 
over a recognition of Keble's poetical claims 
as the author of The Christian Year, the work 
by which he will most probably be longest 
remembered and most recognised. In that 
age writing verses was looked upon as a 



THE LEADEES 53 

natural accomplishment for a cultured person. 
We are told that Warren Hastings, after his 
retirement, frequently presented his guests at 
breakfast with a copy of verses he had com- 
posed over-night. Keble had been practising 
the art for a long time, but the work began 
about 1819, and was only first published in 
1827. He was first and last a Churchman. 
Mr. Herbert Paul, in the third volume of his 
History of Modern England, says : ^' There are 
some men for whom the Church of England 
is too large, and others for whom it is too 
small. It was exactly the right size for Mr. 
Keble." With some allowance for rhetorical 
effort this fairly describes Keble's attitude 
towards the Church during his whole life, and 
it was only natural that his verse should be 
coloured with those views. He would be 
repelled if not disgusted by the hysterical 
outbursts of Methodism, and would have no 
sympathy with the deadness of feeling shown 
by other extremes in the Church. Verses 
were written as he felt called upon to give 
expression to his ideas, with the result that 
when collected into a volume they were pro- 
perly entitled The Christian Year; Thoughts 



54 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

in Verse Jot the Sundays and Holy days through- 
out the Year. And the note which is fairly- 
carried out is expressed in the advertisement : 
^^That next to a sound rule of faith there is 
nothing of so much consequence as a sober 
standard of feeling in matters of practical re- 
ligion ; and it is the peculiar happiness of the 
Church of England to possess in her authorised 
formularies an ample and secure provision for 
both/' and it refers to that soothing tendency 
in the Prayer-book which it was the chief pur- 
pose of those pages to exhibit. There are many 
beauties in The Christian Year, but Keble can 
hardly be called a great poet. He might be 
called a Nature poet, for he has painted with 
great tenderness many views of the gentle 
English landscape and learnt much from 
Wordsworth and his school. The country 
atmosphere permeates his verse, and a main 
object seems to have been to expound the 
lessons written in the book of earth and sky, 
but the outside world with its doubts, per- 
plexities and despair is outside his range. 
After leaving Oxford, Keble gave his spare 
time to the study of general and theological 
writings and patristic literature, and began 



THE LEADERS 55 

the study of Hebrew. He was obviously 
much impressed by Butler's argument in the 
Analogy based on continuity, and his poems 
are filled with the same idea of continuity. 
It is this idea as opposed to the hysterical and 
arid parties in the Church which led him to 
lay so much stress on the soothing tendency 
of the Prayer-book. The great idea he strove 
to impress was that domestic feeling the 
Christian should entertain to his Maker and 
Redeemer. God was not a devouring being 
whom it was necessary to appease. He was 
the Father. We are His children. His house 
is the domestic abode of all who duly and 
reverently accept and obey His gentle rule. 
The verses, for example, in the Morning 
hymn : — 

The trivial round, the common task, 
Would furnish all we ought to ask ; 
Eoom to deny ourselves ; a road 
To bring us, daily, nearer God ; 

and in the Evening hymn : — 

When the soft dews of kindly sleep 
My wearied eyelids gently steep, 
Be my last thought, how sweet to rest 
For ever on my Saviour's breast, 



56 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

express the soothing continuous domesticity 
of home and duty Keble considered that the 
Church through its authorised forms expressed. 
The book was, and remains, an enormous suc- 
cess, and joined with his great academical 
reputation, and his known soundness in the 
faith, and his self-denying character, gave him 
immense weight in Oxford and in the Church, 
and so he was selected to preach the Assize 
Sermon on the 14th July, 1833, — no doubt 
selected in the ordinary course as a distin- 
guished man to discharge a somewhat ordinary 
duty, — but which he afterwards published under 
the title of ''National Apostacy Considered," 
and which Newman and others regarded as the 
commencement of the Movement. Down to 
this time, however, the only publication of 
Keble deserving any notice was The Christian 
Year, and he can hardly be described as a 
very High Churchman. He had not accepted 
the high Sacramental view adopted as the 
struggle proceeded, and the stanza — 

O come to our Communion Feast : 
There present in the heart, 
Not in the hands, the Eternal Priest 
Will His true Self impart. 



THE LEADEES 57 

though altered after his death with his consent, 
given a few weeks before his death, into " As 
in the hands," rather shows that his natural 
spontaneous expression was not inclined to 
the objective presence. 

3. Eichard Hurrell Froude was the elder 
brother of the better known James Anthony 
Froude. Their father, Robert Hurrell Froude, 
was Rector of Partington, and from 1820 on 
for many years Archdeacon of Totness in the 
Diocese of Exeter. Richard Hurrell Froude 
(commonly called Hurrell Froude), the eldest 
of eight children, was born in 1803, being 
about fifteen years older than Anthony. He 
is described from the first as a stormy kind 
of child, handsome and odd, and some say 
adored by his relatives. He seems really to 
have been an ill-conditioned and unmannerly 
kind of lad. His mother, in a letter written 
in 1820 to an imaginary correspondent, but 
really intended for Hurrell himself, describes 
him as ^' very much disposed to find his own 
amusement in teasing and vexing others, and 
almost entirely incorrigible when it was ne- 
cessary to reprove him. ... In all points 
of substantial principle his feelings were just 



58 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

and high."^ And Mr. Paul, in his life of 

J. A. Froude, describes Hurrell Froude as 

harsh and cruel, and gives a number of 

instances of his almost incredible cruelty to 

his young brother Anthony. He was sent 

early to the Free School, Ottery St. Mary, 

under the Eev. George Coleridge, and then to 

Eton, where he remained until he matriculated 

at Oriel in April, 1821. His tutor was John^ 

/ Keble, and when Keble left Oriel for the 

I Curacy of Southrop, he was followed by 

; Hurrell Froude and later by Robert Wilber- 

\ force and Isaac Williams, as pupils — to read 

iqr their degrees. Hurrell Froude took his 

(Jegree in December, 1823, a second class in 

/Classics and Mathematics. Early in 1826 

; Hurrell Froude and Robert Wilberf orce were 

Elected Fellows of Oriel, The editor of 

Newman's correspondence says the election 

was momentous to Mr. Newman, as bringing 

him into intimacy with the friend whose 

intimacy he ever felt powerful beyond all 

others to which he had been subject, and 

Newman, writing to his mother on 31st March, 

1826, said, with some exaggeration, '^Froude 

1 Guiney, Life, pp. 6, 7, 



THE LEADEKS 59 

is one of the acutest and clearest and deepest 
men in the memory of man". Fellowships 
at Oriel depended not so much on what a 
man had read, or what honours he had taken, 
but on a man's whole momentum and equili- 
brium, not what he had read, but what he 
was like — originality and distinction were the 
test, and the Fellowships were thrown open 
to the whole University. Froude soon formed 
a deep friendship with Newman. Their view, 
like Keble's, that a tutorship involved a cure 
of souls, and not merely a routine of lectures, 
was not accepted by the new Provost Hawkins, 
with the result that the old tutors were by 
degrees left without pupils, Froude giving up 
the tutorship in 1830. Fronde's health, how- 
ever, giving signs of weakness, he went abroad 
in December, 1832, with his father and New- 
man. They visited Kome in April and saw 
Dr. Wiseman, when the Frondes returned to 
England, leaving Newman. On 25th July, 
1833, the Hadleigh Conference began, at which 
Hurrell Froude was present, but not Keble 
or Newman. The impression Froude made 
on his friends and acquaintances was that he 
was not learned, but relied too much on his 



60 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

own insight and reasoning, and was too hasty 
in coming to conclusions, and often intemperate 
in the expressing of them. Although it was 
evident that his health was still giving way, 
when Newman returned he plunged into the 
controversy by his side. The first tract was 
written by Newman in September, 1833, and 
Froude contributed four, though one is attri- 
buted to Newman. In October, 1833, Froude 
left England for Barbados, and after acting 
for some time as domestic chaplain to the 
bishop, he became mathematical master at 
Codrington College, but returned in March, 

1835, and, after a few days at Oxford, returned 
to his country home, to die on 28th February, 

1836. Besides the four Tracts for the Times, 
and a few casual contributions to magazines, 
he has practically left nothing except the 
Remains^ collected by Newman and Keble in 
1838 and 1839. Though not published by 
him and only collected by Keble and Newman, 
they were in the nature of a party manifesto. 
They consisted mainly of journals, diaries, 
memoranda, poems, sermons, ecclesiastical 
papers, and especially a history of the contest 
of Thomas a Becket with Henry II., and gave 



THE LEADERS 61 

great material for the opponents of the party 
to show the ascetical and ecclesiastical ten- 
dencies of the writer and his friends. Dr. 
Arnold's view is expressed in his letter to 
Dr. Hawkins dated 5th August, 1838 : '' I have 
read Froude's volume {i.e. vol. i. of Remains)^ 
and I think that its prominent character is ex- 
traordinary impudence. I never saw a more 
remarkable instance of that quality than the 
way in which he, a young man and a clergy- 
man of the Church of England, reviles all 
those persons whom the accordant voice of 
that Church, without distinction of party, has 
agreed to honour, even perhaps with an excess 
of admiration." They are only referred to 
here for the purpose of showing something of 
the ideas of one who was so much regarded 
by Keble and Newman as Froude. It is 
otherwise a little difficult to see the immense 
prominence given to Hurrell Froude by all 
those who took part in or wrote in a friendly 
spirit about the Movement. Hurrell Froude 
himself said : ^' Do you know the story of 
the murderer who had done one good thing 
in his life ? Well, if I was ever asked what 
good deed I had done, I should say I had 



62 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

brought Keble and Newman to understand 
each other." ^ Newman says (Apology) : " Hur- 
rell Froude was a pupil of Keble, formed by 
him, and in turn reacting upon him. He 
had an intellect critical and logical as it was 
speculative and bold. His opinions arrested 
and influenced me even when they did not 
gain my assent." They became acquainted in 
1826, and were in the closest and most affec- 
tionate friendship from about 1829 to his 
death in 1836. There can be no doubt that 
they acted and reacted on one another, and 
that Froude taught Newman or led him to 
accept much Catholic doctrine. Froude's ideal 
was the Mediaeval Church, with Thomas a 
Becket as the type. He looked on Liberalism 
and not the Pope as Antichrist and on the 
Church as supreme ruler of the world, and 
on the Reformation as a rebellion against 
authority. He delighted to describe himself 
as pushing his friends forward to do things, 
or a poker stirring up the fire burning in them, 
and which he was incapable physically of doing 
himself. He was no doubt a brilliant talker, 
consummate dialectician and ardent prose- 

^ BemainSy vol. i., p. 438. 



THE LEADEUS 63 

lytiser. Dean Church ^ says of him : ^^ Like 
Henry Martyn he was made by strong and 
even merciless self-discipline over a strong 
and for a time refractory nature. He was a 
man of great gifts with much that was at- 
tractive and noble, but joined to this there 
was originally in his character a vein of per- 
versity and mischief always in danger of 
breaking out, and with which he kept up 
a long and painful struggle. His inmost 
thoughts and knowledge of himself have been 
laid bare in the papers published after his 
death." Many of his friends considered him 
either directly, or indirectly, the real leader 
of the Movement. Dean Church, after re- 
ferring to the Hadleigh Conference and the 
beginning of the Tracts, says : '' Keble had 
given the inspiration, Froude had given the 
impulse ; then Newman took up the work, 
and the impulse henceforward and the direc- 
tion were his ".^ 

4. John Henry Newman. — It is a natural 
question whether any one can be properly 
called the leader of the Movement. It was 

1 The Oxford Movement ^ by Dean Church, p. 36. 
'^Ihid,, p. 32. 



/ 



64 SHOUT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

probable, almost certain, that in the existing 
state of opinion and politics some consider- 
able movement must occur and the men en- 
gaged in it are merely parts of the phenomena, 
but in this particular Movement the leader- 
ship seems to be seriously disputed only 
between the friends of Keble, Pusey and 
Newman respectively, and on the whole the 
consensus of opinion seems to be that New- 
man was most entitled to be called the leader. 
John Henry Newman was born in the City 
of London on 21st February, 1801, the son 
of John Newman and Jemima Fourdrinier 
his wife, the eldest of six children, three boys 
and three girls. The Rev. Thomas Mozley, 
who married Harriet Newman, says : John 
Newman was of a family of small landed 
proprietors in Cambridgeshire, and had an 
hereditary taste for music of which he had 
a practical and scientific knowledge together 
with much general culture. He was chief 
clerk and afterwards partner in a banking 
firm in London which stopped payment early 
in 1819. He died 29th September, 1824. 
Dr. Wm. Barry in his work says the family 
was understood to be of Dutch origin, and 



THE LEADERS 65 

that its real descent was Hebrew, but he 
gives no evidence, except that in an earlier 
generation the family had spelt its signature 
Newmann, and he refers to his Jewish cast of 
features and intellectual qualities. The Four- 
driniers were French by descent and Hugue- 
nots who after the Revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes had settled in London as engravers 
and paper-makers, and had conformed to the 
Established Church. Mrs. Newman, says Dr. 
Barry, taught her children a '' modified Cal- 
vinism," and they were expected at a proper 
age to go through the spiritual process known 
as '* Conviction of sin," to be followed in due 
course by '' Conversion," terms more familiar 
among English Dissenters of the Wesleyan 
type than among Churchmen. In a matter 
involving so much speculation, it would per- 
haps be safer to infer that as a matter of 
heredity and allowing for the father's musical 
tastes, John Henry Newman derived his bril- 
liance as a writer and his love of and skill 
in music from the French side of his descent 
rather than from the very problematical He- 
braic descent suggested by Dr. Barry. The 
two brothers, Francis William and Charles 



66 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Robert, were under great obligations to their 
elder brother, but their ultimate religious de- 
velopment led to painful personal and family- 
estrangement. Francis, after obtaining a 
double first and going through various ex- 
periences, such as a missionary expedition 
to Persia, became a faddist, theist, and 
radical. He survived till 1877. Charles in 
early life became a convert to Robert Ovren, 
the philanthropic Socialist, then called an 
Atheist, but he broke loose and tried to 
originate a ^^New Moral World" of his 
own. A clerkship in the Bank of England 
was obtained for him, but he failed to retain 
it. At his request he was sent to Bonn, but 
failed to take a degree, and owing to erratic 
tendencies bordering on the verge of insanity, 
all attempts to help him failed, and he was 
maintained till his death in 1884 by his two 
brothers and his brother-in-law, the Rev. Thos. 
Mozley. It is a curious speculation as to 
what led to this extreme and apparently 
erratic development in the three brothers — 
whether it arose from some want of mental 
ballast or the inexorable working out, to their 
conclusions, premises either unsound or incom- 



THE LEADERS 67 

plete, but the results in the three cases were 
certainly very curious. There was nothing 
remarkable about the three sisters. They 
remained members of the English Church in 
which they had been brought up ; Harriet 
and Jemima were in sympathy with their 
eldest brother, and his frequent and regular 
correspondents. They looked up to him 
naturally with affectionate appreciation, but 
neither followed him to Rome. Harriet was 
married to the Rev. Thomas Mozley, and 
Jemima became the wife of John Mozley of 
Derby, while the youngest, Mary, died early. 
When John Henry Newman was about seven, 
he was sent by his father to the large private 
school at Ealing, Middlesex, kept by Dr. 
George Nicholas, of Wadham College, Oxford, 
and which reckoned about 300 pupils. He is 
said to have been a precocious, imaginative, 
sensitive boy who passed rapidly before the 
other pupils, but took no part in out-door 
games. Even then he was devoted to litera- 
ture. In December, 1816, his father set out 
with him for Oxford, and when not quite 
sixteen he was matriculated at Trinity College, 
which Dr. Nicholas pronounced '' most gentle- 



68 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

manlike". In June, 1817, he went into resi- 
dence and won a Trinity scholarship (£60 a 
year for nine years) in the following May. 
Early in 1819 his father's bank suspended 
payment, but after a month settled in full 
with its creditors, but thenceforth Newman's 
pecuniary prospects were much clouded. 
Newman was a hard worker, and with his 
great abilities his friends looked forward con- 
fidently to a brilliant degree, but when he 
went in for examination in November, 1820, 
he lost his head, broke down, and after vain 
attempts for several days, had to retire, only 
first making sure of his B.A. degree. His 
name did not appear at all on the mathematical 
side of the paper, and in classics it was found 
in the lower division of the second class of 
honours, which at that time went by the con- 
temptuous title of ''Under the line,'' there 
being as yet no third or fourth classes. The 
explanation was that he had over-read himself. 
In October, 1819, he wrote his mother that 
he was reading between eleven and twelve 
hours a day. He had dabbled in other things. 
With his friend Bowden he had published a 
poem, and carried on for some time a small 



THE LEADERS 69 

periodical, and in the summer term of 1819 
had attended Buckland's lectures on Geology. 
He had broken down before, and did so after- 
wards when examine^ and being called up 
for his degree examination a day sooner than 
he expected, lost his head, with the result 
stated. There had been some idea of going 
to the Bar, and in 1819 he was entered at 
Lincoln's Inn,^ and in 1819 and the beginning 
of 1820 he attended Modern History Lectures, 
but his failure in the schools making his pro- 
spects at the Bar doubtful, and his religious 
views becoming more pronounced, he decided 
in 1821 to take Orders.^ His scholarship con- 
tinuing for several years still, he remained at 
Oxford, and the year following the Degree 
Examination he devoted to more or less desul- 
tory reading — mineralogy, chemistry, music and 
the Scriptures — but from the time he thought 
of standing at Oriel, he gave considerable time 

iHe entered 19th November, 1819: '*John Henry 
Newman of Oriel College, Oxford, Esq. (age eighteen). 
First son of John Newman of Southampton St., Esq.*' 
He left the society on his own petition 11th March, 1825, 
having paid absent Commons seven and a half years, but 
not having kept any terms for call to the Bar. 

^Letters, p. 47. 



70 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

to Latin composition, logic and natural philo- 
sophy. His friends heard with great surprise 
and doubt that he had determined to make 
an attempt for an Oriel Fellowship, but New- 
man never accepted his failure in the Degree 
Examination as the real measure of his 
powers. A reaction set in, and he determined 
to retrieve his position. His hopes were well 
founded, for to the surprise of his friends he 
was elected Fellow on 12th April, 1822, the 
messenger carrying the news finding him 
playing the violin. Newman^ ever felt this 
12th April, 1822, to be the turning point of 
his life, and of all days most memorable. 
It raised him from obscurity and need to com- 
petency and reputation. He never wished 
anything better or higher than in the words 
of the epitaph, ''To live and die a Fellow 
of Oriel". Dr. Copleston in a letter to Dr. 
Hawkins, 2nd May, 1843, speaking of the 
defect of examinations as a test, says : " You 
remember Newman himself was an example ; 
he was not even a good classical scholar, yet 
in mind and power of composition, and in 
taste and knowledge, he was decidedly su- 

1 Letters, p. 73. 



THE LEADERS 71 

perior to some competitors who were a class 
above him in the schools ". Newman, speak- 
ing of ^the meeting with the Fellows, says : 
"I could bear the congratulations of Cople- 
ston, but when Keble advanced to take 
my hand I quite shrank, and could have 
shrunk into the floor, ashamed of so great 
an honour". His first difficulty as a Fellow 
was his extreme shyness. He did not at once 
find his place in the loud and constant argle- 
bargle of dialectic in the Common Room, so 
he was handed over to Whately as a cub to be 
licked into shape, and an anvil upon which 
Whately might beat out ideas. The process 
was educative, and Newman says that Whately 
not only taught him to think correctly but to 
rely upon himself. Whately in the preface to 
his Logic, and much to Newman's gratification, 
acknowledged assistance obtained in its com- 
position from Newman, a great part of which 
was no doubt done in his capacity of anvil. 
Whately was on the point of leaving Oxford 
for his living (he left in fact in 1822), but 
Newman was considerably under his influence 
while he was in Oxford, and a mutual regard 
followed, and to this is no doubt largely due 



72 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

the fact that Whately in 1825 made him his 
Vice-Principal of Alban Hall. Newman on 
election as Fellow at once set himself to make 
up, as far as he could, the deficiency in 
scholarship referred to by Dr. Copleston, and 
was of course as a new and noted Fellow busy 
with private pupils for some years, but be- 
tween 1822 and 1825 he saw most of Hawkins 
and fell under his influence. On 13th June, 
1824, he was ordained deacon (priest in due 
course), and became curate for two years of 
St. Clement's, Oxford, and a large amount of 
time and work was taken up in his parochial 
duties, and in collecting the funds for building 
a new Church. He also, until he became 
curate, studied theology under Dr. Lloyd, the 
Professor of Divinity, who was one of the high 
and dry school. In 1825 Whately returned 
to Oxford as head of Alban Hall, and New- 
man became his Vice- Principal, until his ap- 
pointment as Tutor of Oriel in 1826. On that 
appointment Newman gave up his curacy and 
vice-principalship and thencef ortkdevoted him- 
self to his College duties as tutor w^th zeal 
and assiduity, not merely discharging his 
ordinary duties, but endeavouring to render 



THE LEADERS 73 

it unnecessary for his pupils to go to private 
tutors, and in other respects taking a strong 
personal interest in them. It may be use- 
ful to summarise so far as conveniently may 
be the state of his opinions at this stage. 
The statement of Dr. Barry that Mrs. New- 
man had reared her children in a modified 
Calvinism can hardly be accepted. The Rev. 
T. Mozley, after his wife's death, asserted that 
Mrs. Newman had reared them in extreme 
Calvinism, but this was omitted in a second 
edition, and is strongly denied by Mr. F. W. 
Newman,^ and the Cardinal himself says : ^ 
''When I was fifteen (in the autumn of 1816) 
a great change of thought took place in me. I 
fell under the influences of a definite creed, 
and received into my intellect impressions of 
dogmas which through God's mercy have 
never been effaced or obscured. Above and 
beyond the conversations and sermons of the 
excellent man long dead, the Rev. Walter 
Mayers of Pembroke College, Oxford, who 
was the human means of this beginning of 

^ Early History of Cardinal Newman, by F. W. New- 
man, p. 72. 

2 Apologia, p. 4. 



74 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

divine faith in me, was the effect of the books 
which he put into my hands, all of the school 
of Calvin ... of the Calvinistic tenets, the 
only one who took root in my mind was the 
fact of heaven and hell, divine favour and 
divine wrath, of the justified and the unjusti- 
fied."^ Two other works in the autumn of 
1816 produced a deep impression on his mind, 
Milner's Church History and Newton on the 
Prophecies, and in consequence Newman be- 
came convinced that the Pope was the Anti- / 
christ, and says his imagination was ^'stained"/ 
by the effects of that doctrine till 1843. While 
an undergraduate, Newman heard Hawkins 
preach his celebrated sermon on Tradition, 
and accepted the proposition that the Sacred 
Text was never intended to teach doctrine, 
but only to prove it, and that if we would 
learn doctrine, we must have recourse to the 
formularies of the Church, for instance, the 
Catechism and the Creeds. Seeing much of 
Hawkins from 1822 to 1825, Hawkins, dis- 
cussing much, taught Newman to weigh his 
words and to be cautious in his statements, 
and was the means of great additions to his 

^Apologia, p. 6. 



THE LEADERS 75 

belief. He gave Newman the treatise on 
apostolical preaching by Sumner, afterwards 
Archbishop of Canterbury, from which he 
was led to give up his remaining Calvinism,/ 
and to receive the doctrine of Baptismal Re- 
generation. About 1823 the Eev. William 
James, Fellow of Oriel, to use Newman's 
common expression, '^ taught " him the doctrine 
of Apostolical Succession. Dr. Lloyd's lectures 
took his pupils through Sumner's Records of 
Creation, Graves on the Pentateuch, Carpzov 
on the Septuagint, Prideaux's Connectioriy and 
other standard works of that kind, and New- 
man also read considerably, and about 1825 
was much impressed by Butler s Analogy, by its 
inculcation of a visible Church, the oracle of 
truth and a pattern of sanctity, of the duties 
of external religion and of the historical 
character of Revelation, and especially by its 
doctrine that Probability is the guide of life 
and the practical exclusion of emotion from 
the religious feelings. His knowledge was 
also extended by his studies for the Memoirs 
of Apollonius Tyanaeus and the Argument on 
Miracles, as connected with it, which he had 
undertaken to write for the Encyclopcedia 



76 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Metropolitana. When Whately returned to 
Oxford, he and his Vice-Principal naturally 
became very intimate, though their minds 
were very different, and ultimately diverged 
widely in opinion, but what he did for New- 
man^ in point of religious opinion was first 
to teach him the existence of the Church as 
a substantive body or corporation, and next 
to fix in him those Anti-Erastian views of 
Church polity which were one of the most 
prominent features of the Tractarian Move- 
ment. By 1826, when Newman began to 
devote himself mainly, as already stated, to 
the duties of his College tutorship, his Calvin- 
istic and Evangelical views were gradually 
dropping away from him, and he had accepted 
a considerable number of dogmas held by the 
high and dry Churchmen of the day, but 
having no real coherence and no real link 
binding them together and making them into 
one coherent system. 

In 1826, however, Hurrell Froude was 
elected Fellow of Oriel, and he was also Tutor 
from 1827 to 1830 ; Robert Wilberforce became 
Fellow and Tutor (Dornford, a Fellow and 

^ Apologia^ p. 12. 



THE LEADERS 77 

Tutor, was their senior). Newman's happiest 
time at Oxford began in 1826. His tutor- 
ship ^ gave him position, he had written one or 
two essays which had been well received, and 
he began to be known. He preached his first 
University sermon. In 1827 he was appointed 
by Dr. Howley, then Bishop of London, one 
of the preachers at Whitehall. In 1827 and 
1828 he held the University office of Public 
Examiner in Classics for the B. A. Degree, and 
for the Honour List attached to the examina- 
tion. In 1828, on Mr. Hawkins becoming 
Provost of Oriel, he was presented to the 
Vicarage of St. Mary's, the University Church. 
(He resigned the tutorship in 1832 and the 
vicarage in 1843.) In 1830 he served as pro- 
proctor, and in 1831 and 1832 he was one of 
the University Select Preachers. Newman ^ 
says : "It was to me like the feeling of spring 
weather after winter ; and if I may so speak, 
I came out of my shell, I remained out of it 
till 1841 ". The views of the tutors on Church 
matters, a subject of constant discussion, were 
naturally sobered and solidified, so to say, by 
Keble's Christian Year, which was published 

1 Apologia^ p. 16. ^ Ibid, 



^^v 



78 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

in 1827. The year 1828, as above mentioned, 
was noted by the election of Hawkins as 
provost, mainly through Newman and Pusey, 
in preference to Keble, Hawkins being con- 
sidered the more practical man. It was in 
fact the preference of discipline over senti- 
ment, and in 1828 Newman began the sys- 
tematic reading and study of the Fathers. 
Whately's influence over Newman had been 
waning for some time, and in the same degree 
the influence of Keble and Froude over him 
had increased, and the formal break came in 
the beginning of 1829. The affair of Mr. 
Peel's re-election was the occasion of it. 
Peel's conduct in the question of Catholic 
Emancipation had, Newman considered, taken 
the University by surprise, and Newman op- 
posed him on academical and not at all on 
ecclesiastical or political grounds, but Whately 
was much annoyed by the line Newman took ; 
he saw a serious meaning in the act and that 
Newman was separating from Whately's own 
friends. In 1830, as a consequence of his de- 
veloping opinions, Newman ceased to be secre- 
tary of the Church Missionary Society, and to 
be a member of the Bible Society. In the 



THE LEADERS 79 

same year Mr. Rose proposed to him to write, 
as part of a theological library, a history of 
the principal Councils, a work which he under- 
took, but which grew into one of rather a dif- 
ferent kind, and at last appeared at the end of 
1833 under the title of The Avians of the 
Fourth Century, of which Dean Church ^ says 
that " though an imperfect book, [it] was one 
which for originality and subtlety of thought 
was something very unlike the usual theological 
writing of the day ".^ 

Difficulties also soon began to arise with the 
Provost Hawkins, the practical man and dis- 
ciplinarian. By the resignation of two senior 
tutors and the appointment of Froude and 
Wilberforce in their places, the provost found 
himself faced by tutors whose views of the 

1 Church, p. 132. 

2 ** In the Arian heresy it was contended that the Son 
sprang not from the nature of the Father but was created 
from nothing. He had an existence before the world, even 
before time, but not from eternity. He was therefore in 
essence different to the Father and belonged to the order 
of creatures, whom, however, He preceded in excellence. 
As there was a period in which He was not, so there was 
an infinite distance between Him and the nature of the 
Father " (Hook, Church Dictionary, 15th edition, p. 60). 



80 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

pastoral nature of their office did not coincide 
with his. At first and on different grounds the 
provost and tutors worked heartily together 
and with success for the enforcement of disci- 
pline and the purification of the College, and the 
academical prospects of the College improved. 
There was, however, at bottom, a grave and 
latent difference of principle between the 
provost and the tutors, which was likely to 
lead, and did in time lead, to a collision be- 
tween them. There was a standing difference 
of opinion among religious men of that day 
whether a College tutorship was or was not an 
engagement compatible with the ordination 
vow. Newman, not content merely with his 
College lectureship, and setting himself against 
the system of private tutors by himself prepar- 
ing candidates among his pupils for honours, 
cultivated with them relations of intimacy and 
friendship and almost of equality, but his main 
object was the exercise of his pastoral office. 
He says :^ '' 1 think the tutors see too little of 
the men and there is not enough of direct re- 
ligious instruction. It is my wish to consider 

^LetterSy p. 151. 



THE LEADERS 81 

myself as the minister of Christ. Unless I find 
that opportunities occur of doing spiritual good 
to those over whom I am placed, it will become 
a grave question whether I ought to continue 
in the tuition." At length the quarrel came. 
The immediate occasion was a claim of the 
tutors to use their own discretion in their mode 
of arranging their ordinary terminal lecture 
table — a claim which on the provost denying 
it they based on the special relation existing 
between each tutor and his own pupils, in con- 
trast with his accidental relation to the rest 
of the undergraduates whom he from time to 
time saw in lecture. The provost practically 
made the relation the same in both cases, but 
Newman, Wilberforce and Froude refused to 
accept this view, and after correspondence 
through 1829 to June, 1830, the provost closed 
it by signifying to Newman, Wilberforce and 
Froude his intention to stop their supply of 
pupils, and he thus gradually deprived them of 
their office as their pupils took their degrees 
and left. By the Long Vacation of 1832, New- 
man's pupils had all but a few passed their 
B.A. examination, and the two or three who 

remained he gave over into the hands of the 

6 



82 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

provost, and Newman so relinquished the 
tutorship. 

When Newman became Vicar of St. Mary's, 
the hold he had acquired over his pupils led 
to their following him there, and receiving 
directly religious instruction from his sermons, 
though from the first he had kept his pastoral 
relationship in view. After the appointment 
he had naturally a wider and perhaps more 
legitimate scope for the exercise of his pastoral 
duties and instincts, and his four o'clock 
sermons on Sundays became '' an institution '' 
largely attended and in growing numbers, not 
merely by his own pupils, but by members 
generally of the University. The charge made 
in the heat of controversy against him, and 
revived by the Rev. Charles Kingsley, that in 
this series of sermons ^ he had some insidious 
desire to lead men Romewards, and that, with 
that view, he would preach even a whole 
sermon for the purpose of launching some 
sentence, or even word, which might adhere 
and germinate, was of course preposterous 
and the figment of a fanatical imagination. 

1 Vol. i. of the Parochial and Plain Sermons was pub- 
lished in March, 1834. 



THE LEADERS 83 

Dean Church says the Movement had its spring 
in the consciences and characters of its leaders, 
that to them religion really meant the most 
awful and the most seriously personal thing 
on earth. It had not only a theological basis, 
it had still more deeply a moral one, and the 
indications of its ethical temper and habits 
are forcibly given in Newman's earliest preach- 
ing. When he became a parish priest his 
preaching took a singularly practical and plain- 
spoken character, and as he began he continued, 
but growing in purpose and directness as the 
years went on. A passionate and sustained 
earnestness after a high moral rule seriously 
realised in conduct is the dominant character 
of these sermons.^ The Parochial and Plain 
Sermons are clear and emphatic, but without 
exaggeration in their recognitions of the actual 
facts of life, and their stern denunciation of 
the religion of the day with its laxity and 
easiness and general concurrence with the 
tendencies of modern civilisation, and it is 
probable that these sermons reacted on the 
preacher by creating in him a dissatisfaction 

1 Church, p. 20. 
6* 



84 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

with the Protestant ideal of life, its insufficient 
renunciation of the world, and its want of 
those aids to religious life which fill so large a 
part of Roman Catholic life. In the first stage 
of the Movement moral earnestness and en- 
thusiasm gave its impulse to theological in- 
terest and zeal, and little appeared to be owing 
to adventitious aids. J. A. Froude says : '' His 
appearance was striking. He was above the 
middle height, slight and spare. His head 
was large, his face remarkably like that of 
Julius Caesar. The forehead, the shape of the 
ears and nose were almost the same. The 
lines of the mouth were very peculiar, and I 
should say exactly the same." ^ According to 
Principal Shairp : ^ '' The service was very 
simple, no pomp, no ritualism ; for it was 
characteristic of the leading men of the Move- 
ment that they left these things to the weaker 
brethren. Their thoughts at all events were 
set on great questions which touched the 
heart of unseen things. About the service 
the most remarkable thing was the beauty, the 
silver intonation of Mr. Newman's voice as he 

1 Short Studies, fourth series, p. 192. 

2 Quoted Church, p. 141. 



THE LEADERS 85 

read the lessons. . . . When he began to 
preach a stranger was not likely to be much 
struck. There was no vehemence, no declama- 
tion, no show of elaborated argument, so that 
one who came prepared to hear a great intel- 
lectual eflfort, was almost sure to go away- 
disappointed." Mr. Gladstone, in a speech 
delivered in the City Temple in 1887, says of 
Newman's manner in the pulpit that there was 
not much change in the inflection of the voice, 
action there was none, the sermons were read 
and his eyes were always bent on his book ; 
but the man must be taken as a whole, and 
there was a stamp and a seal upon him, there 
was a solemn sweetness and music in the tone, 
there was a completeness in the figure taken 
together with the tone and with the manner 
which made his delivery singularly attractive.^ 

Newman had great personal influence.) 
Archbishop Temple when an undergraduate 
(born 1821, degree 1842), in a letter to his 
mother,' dated 31st May, 1841, says: ^^Mr. 
Newman must be a very wonderful man to 

1 Account in Hutton's Life, pp. 90, 91. 
^Life of Archbishop Temple, edited by Archdeacon 
Sandford, vol. ii., pp. 456-57, 



86 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

have such immense power over all that come 
into contact with him. You may see this 
most strikingly in the way that all his ac- 
quaintance imitate his manner and peculi- 
arities ; it looks like affectation certainly, but 
r confess I believe them to be above that. I 
think the reason is that in their minds his 
manner is so connected with every good feel- 
ing that mere association leads them to imitate 
him, and many I think do it unconsciously. It 
is, however, very absurd to see them all hold 
their heads slightly on one side, all speak in 
very soft voices, all speak quick and make 
long pauses between their sentences, and all 
on reaching their seats fall on their knees ex- 
actly as if their legs were knocked from under 
them. He preached on Christian wisdom, etc." 
The Eev. Thomas Mozley,^ after saying that 
Newman's appearance was not commanding 
to strangers, that he did not carry his head 
aloft, but had a slight bend forwards, and was 
thin, pale, and with large lustrous eyes, says : 
'^ His dress — it became almost the badge of 
his followers — was the long-tailed coat, not 
always very new . . . and it was so long kept 

1 Beminiscences^ vol. i., p. 205. 



THE LEADERS 87 

up by the new Oxford school as to be likely 
to become as permanent as the distinctive garb 
of the Quakers ". 

Hurrell Fronde's health giving way, it was 
decided that he should winter abroad accom- 
panied by his father, and at their invitation 
Newman, being then practically free from 
College duties, and worn out by writing his 
book/ agreed to join them in a tour to Italy 
and the Mediterranean, and the party accord- 
ingly set sail in December, 1832. The accounts 
of this journey are extremely interesting, but 
the details are outside the scope of this work, 
though there are a few points which may be 
touched upon. They kept clear of Catholics^ 
during their tour, and as to Church services 
they attended the Tenebrae at the Sistine, for 
the sake of the Miserere, but that was all. 
They saw nothing but what was external. 
Froude and Newman made two calls on 
Monsignore Wiseman shortly before they left 
Rome, but Froude's statement that they asked 
Wiseman on what terms they could be received 
into the Roman Catholic Church cannot be 
accepted. No statement as to the subject of 

^ Arians ; finished middle of 1832, published end of 1833. 



88 SHOET HISTOKY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

their conversations is contained in the Apology. 
Froude's statement must have been an ex- 
aggeration, one of those caricatures of alle- 
gation he frequently indulged in, as when he 
described the Hadleigh Conference as ^'a 
conspiracy," but as he was a man incapable of 
mere invention, the probability is that there 
was some conversation about the points of 

;^ similarity and difference between the Churches ; 

( and the possibility of reunion — a very natural 
subject— may and probably was mentioned, 
though not in the way of such request as 
Froude's words would imply. The Froudes 
left Rome for England early in 1833, but 
Newman remained, and at the end of April, 
without a companion, for a second time went 
to Sicily, and got back to England by Palermo 
in July, 1833. While in Sicily he had a violent 
fever, but when his servant thinking he was 
about to die asked for directions, he said : ^ '' I 
shall not die," and repeated, *' I shall not die, 
for I have not sinned against the light, I have 
not sinned against the light," though Newman 
says he has never been able quite to make 
out what he meant. Before starting from 

1 Apologia, p. 34. 



THE LEADERS 89 

his inn for England, he sat on his bed and 
began to sob violently, and when asked what 
ailed him could only answer, " I have a work 
to do in England". When becalmed in the 
Straits of Bonifacio, he wrote the lines '^ Lead, 
kindly Light," with respect to which when 
asked by a correspondent some time ago 
what meaning precisely he attached to the 
words — 

And with the morn those Angel faces smile 
Which I have loved long since and lost awhile, 

he admitted his inability to say what it was. 
It is probable that he had no precise idea what 
he meant by saying he had a work to do in 
England, but in Rome he had begun to think 
he had a mission, and when they took leave 
of Monsignore Wiseman, who courteously ex- 
pressed a wish that they might make a second 
visit to Rome, Newman said with great gravity, 
'' We have a work to do in England ". This 
feeling, which Newman calls a presentiment, 
grew stronger in Sicily, and in his hysterical 
state found utterance in the words quoted, " I 
have a work to do in England," though he had 
no precise or definite idea of the work to be 



. 90 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

done. Subject to the delay from calm and a 
few days' rest at Lyons, Newman proceeded 
straight to England, where he arrived on 9th 

, J^uly, 1833. 

There were many points on which the 
opinions of Newman and Fronde did not co- 
incide, but Newman considers that Froude 
taught him to look with admiration towards 
the Church of Rome, and in the same degree 

.; to dislike the Reformation, that he fixed deep 
in him the idea of devotion to the Blessed 
Virgin, and led him gradually to believe in 
the Real Presence. By this time Newman 
had completely lost all his distinctive Cal- 
vinistic and Evangelical beliefs. He, was not 
even a high and dry Churchman, but an ad- 
vanced Churchman, enthusiastic for his Church 
and its priesthood, their rights and privileges, 
and eager to work for their defence. His 
idea of the position of the Church with re- 
lation to the State and his want of grasp of 
the Catholic idea of the status of the Church 
were shown in 1829, by his letter of 13th March, 
1829, in which he says: ''There will not be 
that security for sound doctrine without change 
which is given by Act of Parliament ". From 



THE LEADERS 91 

the long illness in Sicily and consequent weak- 
ness, the solitude of the sea and hurried 
journey home, Newman plunged at once into 
the Movement. He learned the position of 
general politics and their probable effect on 
the Church, and the steps being taken for its 
defence, especially at meetings, chiefly in Oriel 
Common Room, to unite and associate in its, 
defence. On 14th July, 1833, came Keble's 
famous sermon on National Apostasy. Be- 
tween 25th and 29th July was the conference at 
Mr. Rose's Rectory at Hadleigh. Although 
Newman was not at Hadleigh and there was 
some difference of opinion, especially as to the 
precise mode in which to move in the defence, 
Newman took his place among the leaders and 
moved with increasing power and prominence. 
He had serious doubt whether any useful 
purpose would be served by combinations. 
Nothing striking was ever done by a com- 
mittee. The individual had always accom- 
plished any great work, as for example Luther, 
and no committee or board brought about 
the Reformation, and therefore Newman fa- 
voured each individual doing his own work, 
though in general unity and co-operation with 



92 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

(the others, having the same or similar aims. 
Hence in September, 1833, Newman published 
his tract, the first of the Tracts for the Times, 
which was undoubtedly the strongest overt 
act yet taken in the Movement. At the end 
of 1833 he published his history of the Arians, 
and in March, 1834, the first volume of his 
Parochial and Plain Sermons, but by this 
time the Movement was under full way and 
had passed beyond the limits of these pre- 
liminary notices. 

Some illustrations of Newman's style are 
set forth in the note to this chapter. It has 
been observed that his style both in prose 
and verse seems to have become much more 
brilliant and unfettered after he became a 
Eoman Catholic than it was before. 

5. Edward Bouverie Pusey, D.D., Canon 
of Christchurch and Professor of Hebrew, 
Oxford. — Dr. Pusey was by many people re- 
garded as the head of the Movement. It was 
in fact frequently called the Puseyite Move-^ 
ment, and its adherents were commonly called 
Puseyites, and that long after the Movement 
itself was spent. As a fact he only joined it 
comparatively late and long after it was well 



THE LEADEES 93 

on its way, under the impetus given by New- 
man, Keble and Froude, but his adhesion was 
regarded as of great importance. His family 
and connections, his professorship and im- 
mense reputation for learning, all contributed 
to his weight. He gave us, says Newman, 
^'a position and a name". Pusey was born 
on 22nd August, 1800, at Pusey House, 
Berkshire. His father was the Hon. Philip 
Bouverie, the youngest son of Jacob, first 
Viscount Folkestone, the name of Bouverie 
having been exchanged by him for that of 
Pusey as a condition of succession to the 
Pusey estate. His mother was the daughter of 
Robert, fourth Earl of Harborough. Edward 
was the second son, and after preparatory 
schools and Eton he entered Christ Church 
in 1819. As a young man his health was 
delicate, but he was industrious and able, and 
in the Easter term, 1822, obtained his First 
Class in the Classical Honour Schools. In 
1823 he gained a Fellowship at Oriel College. 
He graduated B.A., 1822, and M.A., 1825, in 
due course, and the intervening years deter- 
mined the drift of his future life. At Oriel 
he was brought in contact and intimacy with 



94 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Keble and Newman, and though Keble ceased 
to reside after his mother's death in 1823, 
C Pusey went into lodgings with Newman. Dr. 
Lloyd, Professor of Divinity, exercised great 
influence over him, and strongly advised him 
to reside in Germany so as to acquire famili- 
arity with the language and theological litera- 
ture of that country. Pusey in pursuance of 
this advice spent about two years, June, 1825, 
to June, 1827, at German Universities, especi- 
ally Berlin, Gottingen and Bonn, devoting 
himself to the Oriental languages, not content 
merely with Hebrew, but carefully studying 
Arabic and Syriac, as well as the general 
theological literature of the time. He became 
on friendly terms with Tholuck, Bunsen, Eich- 
horn, Schliermacher, Neander, Freitag and 
other German scholars, and read hard under 
their guidance. On his return to England he 
became involved in controversy with Mr. Hugh 
James Eose, who had delivered a course of 
lectures at Cambridge tracing German ra- 
tionalism almost exclusively to the absence of 
that control which is provided in the Church 
of England by formularies of faith and de- 
votion and by its episcopal form of govern- 



THE LEADERS 95 

ment — inferring that the English Church being 
so protected need not fear any lapse into 
German rationalism, which had resulted from 
the want of them. Pusey did not adopt that 
view, and tried to show that the English 
Church showed symptoms of dead orthodox- 
ism which would result in the decadence of 
religious life here as among German Protes- 
tants. Many of Pusey's expressions were 
misunderstood ; he was supposed to sympa- 
thise not merely with pietism but also with 
rationalism, if not to be himself a rationalist. 
He defended himself at great length against 
such a charge, and never reprinted his first 
book or its sequel, and in a will drawn up a 
few years before his death he forebade any 
one to do so. No doubt Pusey's well-knownN 
general liberal opinions helped to fasten this ' 
charge of liberalism in religious belief also 
upon him. 

On the 1st June, 1828, Pusey was ordained 
deacon, and on 13th November, 1828, the Prime 
Minister, the Duke of Wellington, recom- 
mended him for appointment as Regius Pro- 
fessor of Hebrew, to which was annexed a 
Canonry of Christ Church, and on 23rd 



96 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

November, 1828, he was ordained priest, and 
so entered on what was really his life's pro- 
fession and work. Pusey's aim in life was 
undoubtedly the priesthood, though he does 
not seem to have been well fitted for or even 
very desirous of the ordinary pastoral work, 
but the office he now obtained gave him 
exactly what he was fit for and what he de- 
sired — an office in the Church ecclesiastical 
and academical, and also connected with the 
preparation for orders of such as desired 
either ordinary assistance or help to more 
advanced study in Biblical linguistics. He 
accordingly did not treat his duties as pro- 
fessor in any perfunctory manner, but by 
himself and his assistants converted his chair 
into a real machine for the teaching and study 
of the Biblical languages. He did not, how- 
ever, confine himself merely to the duties of 
his chair as a teaching office. His first great 
work during the years following his appoint- 
ment to the chair was the completion of the 
Catalogue of Arabic Manuscripts in the Bod- 
leian Library. This involved enormous labour 
and took up the best part of his time during 
seven of the most active years of his life. 



THE LEADERS 97 

In his own words : ^^ When engaged on the 
Arabic Catalogue at the Bodleian, I have as 
I rose from the drudgery envied the very 
bricklayers whom I saw at work in the 
streets ". 

The ordinary life of Oxford in 1828-1829 
was greatly interrupted by the question of 
Catholic Emancipation. Sir Robert Peel had 
represented the University since 1817, and 
for many years had been an opponent of eman- 
cipation, but after O'Connell's return for 
Clare in 1828 the Kings speech in opening 
the session announced relief, and when on 
5th February, 1829, the Oxford Convocation 
voted a petition against the Roman Catholic 
claims. Peel offered to resign his seat. An 
election followed, resulting in 755 voting for 
Inglis and 609 for Peel. This election divided 
men sharply in Oxford. It separated Newman 
from Whately. Keble was strongly against 
Peel, but Pusey strongly supported Peel, not 
merely because as a young Liberal he had 
taken an interest in the question and was 
glad to see the conversion of the Government, 
but also because he had the example and 
influence of his friend Dr. Lloyd, then Bis- 



98 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

hop of Oxford, formerly Peel's tutor and his 
supporter in the House of Lords. Whately, 
Blanco White, Shuttleworth and the Provost 
of Oriel were Pusey's allies against Keble, 
Newman, Hurrell Froude and Robert Wilber- 
force. Dr. Lloyd died on 31st May, 1829, and 
his strong influence being removed, Pusey 
was ultimately thrown more into contact with 
the minds which together with his own were 
to give being and shape to the Movement 
of 1833. Lord Henley published A Plan of 
Church Reform, with a Letter to the King^ 
which was much discussed. It was taken for 
granted that the first effort of the Reformed 
Parliament would be to reform the Church. 
Arnold's pamphlet on The Principles of 
Church Reform which appeared early in 1833 
reflected the general panic. At the close of 
1832 Pusey completed his Remarks on the 
Prospective and Past Benefits of Cathedral 
Institutions. Other writers discussed all or 
portions of Henley's proposals, but Pusey con- 
cerned himself with the scheme only so far as 
it related to the redistribution of Cathedral 
endowments, defending the services they 
rendered to the Church and theology gener- 



THE LEADERS 99 

ally, and illustrating his arguments by his 
experience of German Universities. Pusey's 
pamphlet was favourably received, and many 
of its proposals have passed into shape, or at 
least into the general thought of the Church. 
Pusey, as already stated, did not come into 
the Movement until comparatively late. He 
opposed Mr. Rose, not for defending ortho- 
doxy, but because he was of opinion that he 
was mistaking some friends for foes, and in 
his work on Cathedral Institutions he tried 
to arrest assaults on the outer fabric of the 
Church by an improved use of part of her 
endowments. He worked privately with the 
same objects, but when the Movement began 
he did not join it. He was not invited to 
the meeting at Hadleigh, nor to the meetings 
subsequently held at Oriel, but he soon began 
to circulate the Tracts. In November he 
signed the Address to the Archbishop, and on 
21st December, 1833, Tract No. 18 was issued 
with his initials. Pusey contributed only 
seven Tracts to the entire series of ninety. 
The first was on Fasting. Mr. Isaac Williams 
{Autobiography, pp. 70-72) gives an account of 
the occasion of this Tract. Pusey said to New- 

UOFC 



100 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

man : '* ' You are too hard on the Peculiars as 
you call them. You should conciliate them ; I 
am thinking of writing a letter myself with that 
purpose.' ' Well,' said Newman, ' suppose you 
let us have it for one of the Tracts.' * Oh ! 
No,' said Pusey, 'I will not be one of you.' 
This was said in a playful manner, and before 
we parted Newman said : ' Suppose you let us 
have that letter of yours which you intend 
writing and attach your name or signature 
to it. You would not then be mixed up 
with us, nor in any way responsible for the 
Tracts.' 'Well,' said Pusey at last, 'if you 
will let me do that, I will.'" And so the 
Tract was published with his initials, which 
gave the Record and Low Church party 
his name, which they at once attached toi 
all. 

Newman says of Pusey's joining : ^ " I had 
known him well since 1827-28 and had felt for 
him an enthusiastic admiration. I used to call 
him 6 /xeya?. His great learning, his immense 
diligence, his scholarlike mind, his simple 
devotion to the cause of religion, overcame 
me ; and great of course was my joy when in 

'^Apologia, pp. 61-63. 



THE LEADERS 101 

the last days of 1833 he showed a disposition 
to make common cause with us. His Tract on 
Fasting appeared as one of the series, with the 
date of December 21st. He was not, however, 
I think, fully associated in the Movement till 
1835 and 1836, when he published his Tract 
on Baptism and started the Library of the 
Fathers. He at once gave us a position and 
a name. Without him we should have had^l 
little chance, especially at the early date of 
1834, of making any serious resistance to the 
Liberal Aggression. But Dr. Pusey was a 
Professor and Canon of Christ Church ; he 
had a vast influence in consequence of his deep 
religious seriousness, the munificence of his 
charities, his Professorship, his family con- 
nections, and his easy relations with the Uni- 
versity authorities. He was to the Movement 
all that Mr. Rose might have been, with that 
indispensable addition which was wanting to 
Mr. Rose, the intimate friendship and the 
familiar daily society of the persons who had 
commenced it, and he had that special claim 
on their attachment which lies in the living 
presence of a faithful and loyal affectionate- 
ness. There was henceforth a man who could 



102 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

be the head and centre of the zealous people 
in every part of the country who were adopting 
the new opinions, and not only so, but there 
was one who furnished the Movement with a 
front to the world and gained for it a recogni- 
tion from other parties in the University. In 
1829 Mr. Froude or Mr. Robert Wilberforce 
or Mr. Newman were but individuals ; and 
when they ranged themselves in the contest 
of that year on the side of Sir Robert Inglis, 
men on either side only asked with surprise 
how they got there and attached no signifi- 
cancy to the fact ; but Dr. Pusey was, to use 
the common expression, a host in himself : he 
was able to give a name, a form, a personality, 
to what without him was a sort of mob. And 
when various parties had to meet together in 
order to resist the liberal acts of the Govern- 
ment, we of the Movement took our place by 
right among them. 

^'Such was the benefit which he conferred 
on the Movement externally ; nor were the 
internal advantages at all inferior to it. He 
was a man of large designs ; he had a hopeful 
sanguine mind ; he had no fear of others ; he 
was haunted by no intellectual perplexities. . . . 



THE LEADERS 103 

^'Dr. Pusey's influence was felt at once. 
He saw that there ought to be more sobriety, 
more gravity, more careful pains, more sense 
of responsibility in the Tracts and in the whole 
Movement. It was through him that the 
character of the Tracts was changed. When 
he gave to us his Tract on Fasting he put his 
initials to it. In 1835 he published his elaborate 
Treatise on Baptism which was followed by 
other Tracts from different authors, if not of 
equal learning, yet of equal power and op- 
positeness. The Catenas of Anglican Divines 
projected by me which occur in the series were 
executed with a like aim at greater accuracy 
and method. In 1836 he advertised his great 
project for a Translation of the Fathers : — but 
I must return to myself." 

6. Hugh James Rose, and others. — One of 
the men who prepared the way for the Move- 
ment was Mr. Hugh James Rose, a Cambridge 
man, Pusey's old antagonist. He had the 
reputation of wide learning, practical ability, 
and great disinterestedness and zeal. He in- 
sisted on the importance of combined action 
in defence of the Chiu'ch, and in 1832 under- 
took the editorship of the British Magazine, 



104 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

a periodical which besides discharging in some 
degree the duties of a magazine, anticipated 
in not a few respects the Tracts for the Times. 
It also contained poems expressive of the 
faith and feelings of the Oxford party, some 
of which were afterwards collected into the 
volume known as the Lyra Apostolica, He 
was Rector of Hadleigh, and invited some 
friends, more or less like minded, to stay with 
him at the Rectory just after midsummer, 
1833. This was the famous Hadleigh Con- 
ference, which, however, separated without 
arriving at any definite conclusions. 

The Rev. William Palmer of Worcester 
College, Oxford (not William Palmer of , Mag- 
dalen), had been educated at Trinity College, 
Dublin, and came to Oxford in 1828 to read 
in the libraries there. His work, enriched by 
notes of Bishop Lloyd, was published at the 
Oxford University Press in 1832, under the 
title of Origines Liturgical, It impressed 
strongly the almost forgotten fact that the 
Prayer-book was mainly a translation from 
earlier Office Books, and powerfully contri- 
buted to the devotion to the traditions of the 
Anglican Church which arose from close study 



THE LEADERS 105 

of tha antiquities of its ritual, and was in fact 
for a long time the main storehouse from 
which many Anglican Churchmen drew their 
knowledge of the ritual of the Church and its 
historical descent. Newman says of him : ^ 
'' Mr. Palmer had many conditions of authority 
and influence. He understood theology as a 
science ; he was practised in the scholastic 
mode of controversial writing : and I believe 
was as well acquainted as he was dissatisfied 
with the Catholic Schools. . . . But he was 
deficient in depth." He had not grown into 
an Oxford man and wanted personal influence. 
Isaac Williams was born in Wales in 1802, 
and from Harrow went to Trinity College, Ox- 
ford, and having been introduced to Keble 
spent the Long Vacation, 1823, reading with 
him and his other pupils, Hurrell Froude and 
Robert Wilberforce, at Southrop, Keble made 
him an old-fashioned High Churchman. He 
became Fellow and Tutor of his College, and ac- 
cepted Newman's offer of curacy of St. Mary's. 
At first Williams threw himself heartily into 
the Movement both poetically and practically. 
His poetry was looked upon as the outpouring 
^ Apologia, p. 40. 



/ 

106 SHOET HISTOEY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

of a very beautiful mind deeply impressed with 
realities. He was candidate for the Professor- 
ship of Poetry in succession to Keble as before 
mentioned. He represented moderation in 
teaching, though curiously his Tract on Re- 
serve in Religious Teaching singled him out as 
a dangerous Tractarian. Newman, however, 
gave signs of going where Williams could not 
follow, and at last the strain broke. Williams 
left Oxford and took a country living. 

Walter Farquhar Hook brought in know- 
ledge of active parochial work, and the social 
centre of the group was the Hon. and Rev. 
A. P. Perceval, Vicar of East Horsley, who 
had corresponded intimately with Keble on 
religious and social subjects, and was now en- 
gaged on a catechism on Church doctrine. 

Blanco White, a converted Spanish Roman 
Catholic priest, born in 1775, came to Oxford in 
1826, the University having conferred on him 
the degree of M.A., and was welcomed widely 
as a witness to the truths of the English Re- 
formation. He was made a member of the 
Oriel Common Room and found himself among 
a company of able men in the University all 
of whom in various ways were interested in him 



THE LEADERS 107 

— as a type of Latin Christians. He educated 
Oxford men in many things of which they were 
practically ignorant. He explained to New- 
man and Hurrell Froude the order and use of 
the Breviary, and is generally believed to have 
taught Hampden so much of the Scholastic 
Philosophy as enabled him to write his famous 
Bampton Lectures and gave him the bias with 
which to read scholastic literature. His intel- 
lect was destructive rather than constructive or 
receptive and he ultimately became a Socinian. 
Charles Marriott, the solitary saintly eccen- 
tric scholar, who was drawn into the Move- 
ment almost in spite of himself, devoted himself 
largely to the Library of the Fathers — translat- 
ing himself or correcting or helping the trans- 
lation of others. 



NOTE. 

Illustrations of Newman's Style. 

(1) Hymn— ^^ Lead, Kindly Light."— 16th 
June, 1833, 

(2) Dream of Gerontiiis — verse from Choir 
of Angelicals. — January, 1865. 

Praise to the Holiest in the height, 

And in the depth be praise : 
In all His words most wonderful ; 

Most sure in all His ways ! 

(3) Musical Sounds — extract from sermon 
on '' Developments in Religious Doctrine ". 
Illustrations of the distinction between super- 
natural and eternal laws and our attempt to 
represent them, that is, our economies. — Puri- 
fication, 1843. 

'^Let us take another instance, of an out- 
ward and earthly form, or economy, under 
which great wonders unknown seem to be 
typified ; I mean musical sounds, as they are 

108 



ILLUSTRATIONS OF NEWMAN'S STYLE 109 

exhibited more perfectly in instrumental har- 
mony. There are seven notes in the scale ; 
make them fourteen ; yet what a slender out- 
fit for so vast an enterprise! What science 
brings so much out of so little ? Out of what 
poor elements does some great master in it 
create his new world ! Shall we say that all 
this exuberant inventiveness is a mere inge- 
nuity or trick of art, like some game or fashion 
of the day, without reality, without meaning ? 
We may do so ; and then perhaps we shall 
also account the science of theology to be a 
matter of words ; yet as there is a divinity in 
the theology of the Church, which those who 
feel cannot communicate, so there is also in 
the wonderful creation of sublimity and beauty 
of which I am speaking. To many men the 
very names which the science employs are 
utterly incomprehensible. To speak of an idea 
or a subject seems to be fanciful or trifling, 
and of the views which it opens upon us to be 
childish extravagance ; yet is it possible that 
that inexhaustible evolution and disposition of 
notes, so rich yet so simple, so intricate yet so 
regulated, so various yet so majestic, should 
be a mere sound, which is gone and perishes ? 



110 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Can it be that those mysterious stirrings of 
heart, and keen emotions, and strange yearn- 
ings after we know not what, and awful im- 
pressions from we know not whence, should 
be wrought in us by what is unsubstantial, 
and comes and goes, and begins and ends in 
itself ? It is not so ; it cannot be — No ; they 
have escaped from some higher sphere ; they 
are the outpourings of eternal harmony in the 
medium of created sound ; they are echoes 
from our Home ; they are the voice of Angels, 
or the Magnificat of Saints, or the living laws of 
Divine Governance, or the Divine Attributes ; 
something they are besides themselves, which 
we cannot compass, which we cannot utter, — 
though mortal man, and he perhaps not other- 
wise distinguished above his fellows, has the 
gift of eliciting them. 

" So much on the subject of musical sound ; 
what if the whole series of impressions, made 
on us through the senses, be, as I have already 
hinted, but a Divine Economy suited to our 
need, and the token of realities distinct from 
them, and such as might be revealed to us, 
nay, more perfectly, by other senses, as dif- 
ferent from our existing ones as they from 



ILLUSTRATIONS OF NEWMAN'S STYLE 111 

each other?" {Unimrsity Sermons, 1843, pp. 
348-50). 

(4) Extract. Close of sermon on parting of 
friends. Farewell sermon as Anglican, 25th 
September, 1843. 

''And, O my brethren, O kind and aflFec- 
tionate hearts, O loving friends, should you 
know any one whose lot it has been, by 
writing or by word of mouth, in some degree 
to help you thus to act ; if he has ever told 
you what you knew about yourselves, or what 
you did not know ; has read to you your wants 
or feelings, and comforted you by the very 
reading ; has made you feel that there was a 
higher life than this daily one and a brighter 
world than that you see ; or encouraged you, 
or sobered you, or opened a way to the in- 
quiring, or soothed the perplexed ; if what he 
has said or done has ever made you take an 
interest in him, and feel well inclined towards 
him ; remember such a one in time to come, 
though you hear him not, and pray for him 
that in all things he may know God's will and 
at all times he may be ready to fulfil it" 
{Sermons on Subjects of the Day, p. 409). 

(5) Extract. Letter to Times by Catholicus. 



112 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

On the Tamworth Library and Reading Room 
and ridiculing Lord Brougham's Discourse on 
Knowledge. February, 1841. 

''Nothing comes amiss to this author; 
saints and sinners, the precious and the vile, 
are torn from their proper homes and reck- 
lessly thrown together under the category of 
knowledge. 'Tis a pity he did not extend 
his view as Christianity has done, to beings 
out of sight of man. Milton could have 
helped him to some angelic personages, as 
patrons and guardians of his intellectual 
temple, who of old time, before faith had 
birth, 

Apart sat on a hill retired 
In thoughts more elevate, and reasoned high 
Of providence, fore-knowledge, will and fate, 
Passion and. apathy, and glory, and shame, — - 
Vain Wisdom all, and* false philosophy. 

And indeed he does make some guesses that 
way, speaking most catholically of being ' ad- 
mitted to a fellowship with those loftier minds ' 
who ' by universal consent held a station apart ' 
and are 'spoken of reverently' as if their 
names were not those of 'mortal men'; and 
he speaks of these 'benefactors of mankind, 



ILLUSTRATIONS OF NEWMAN'S STYLE 113 

when they rest from their pious labours, look- 
ing down ' upon the blessings with which their 
' toils and sufferings have clothed the scene of 
their former existence ' " {Discussions and Argu- 
ments, p. 290). 

(6) Who's to blame ? Extract from letters 
to the Catholic Standard by Catholicus, on the 
Crimean War. March, 1855. 

''If you want your work done well which 
you cannot do yourself, find the best man, put 
it into his hand, and trust him implicitly. An 
Englishman is too sensible not to understand 
this in private affairs ; but in matters of State 
he is afraid of this being done over much. 
He prefers the system of checks and counter- 
checks, the division of power, the imperative 
concurrence of disconnected officials and his 
own supervision and revision — the method of 
hitches, cross-purposes, collisions, dead-locks, 
to the experiment of treating his public ser- 
vants as gentlemen. I am not quarrelling 
with what is inevitable in his system of 
self-government ; I only say that he cannot 
expect his work done in the best style if this 
is his mode of providing for it. Duplicate 

functionaries do but merge responsibility, and 

8 



114 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

a jealous master is paid with formal heartless 
service. . . . 

''England surely is the paradise of little 
men and the purgatory of great ones. May 
I never be a Minister of State or Field 
Marshal ! I'd be an individual self-respecting 
Briton, in my own private castle with the 
Times to see the world by, and pen and paper 
to scribble off withal to some public print, and 
set the world right. Public men are only 
my employes; I use them as I think fit and 
turn them off without warning — Aberdeen, 
Gladstone, Sidney Herbert, Newcastle, what 
are they muttering about services and ingra- 
titude ? Were they not paid ? Hadn't they 
their regular quarter day ? Raglan, Burgoyne, 
Dundas — I cannot recollect all the fellows' 
names — can they merit aught ? Can they be 
profitable to me their lord and master ? And 
so having no tenderness or respect for their 
persons, their antecedents, or their age — not 
caring that in fact they are serving me with 
all their strength, not asking whether if they 
manage ill it be not perchance because they 
are in the fetters of Constitutional red tape 
which have weighed on their hearts and 



ILLUSTEATIONS OF NEWMAN'S STYLE 115 

deadened their energies till the hazard of 
failure and the fear of censure have quenched 
the spirit of daring, I think it becoming and 
generous — during, not after their work, not 
when it is ended, but in the very agony of 
conflict — to institute a formal process of in- 
quiry into their demerits, not secret, not in- 
dulgent to their sense of honour, but in the 
hearing of all Europe and amid the scorn of 
the world — hitting down, knocking over, my 
workhouse apprentices, in order that they 
may get up again and do my matters for me 
better. . . . 

^^ In England sensitively suspicious of com- 
bination and system, three precautions have 
been taken in dealing with the soldier and 
the parson (I hope I may be familiar with- 
out offence) — precautions borrowed from the 
necessary treatment of wild animals. (1) To 
tie him up, (2) to pare his claws, and (3) to 
keep him low ; then he will be both safe and 
useful ; the result is a National Church and a 
Constitutional Army" (Discussions and Argu- 
ments, pp. 342-44, 357). 



8 



CHAPTER III. 

THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839. 

1. The statement of Dean Church (whose au- 
thority Churchmen will accept) is that ^^ What 
is called the Oxford or Tractarian Movement 
began, without doubt, in a vigorous effort for 
the immediate defence of the Church against 
serious dangers arising from the violent and 
threatening temper of the days of the Reform 

U Biir\^ 

This does not seem quite consistent with 
his statement quoted above (p. 83), that the 
Movement had its spring in the consciences 
and characters of its leaders, that to them 
religion really meant the most awful and 
seriously personal thing on earth, and that it 
had not only a theological basis but had still 
more deeply a moral one. But what the Dean 
no doubt meant was that the leaders were in- 

1 Church, p. 1. 
116 



THE^MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 117 

fluenced by no mean petty or private motive, 
but only took the part they did from the high- 
est motives and in defence against dangers 
threatening what they believed to be an in- 
stitution calculated to help the cause of re- 
ligion. Whatever the motive, however, the 
Dean admits that the Movement began (1) in 
defence of the Church, and (2) against certain 
threatened dangers. The history of the Move- 
ment, therefore, involves an inquiry into (1) the 
threatened dangers, and (2) the steps taken in 
defence. It will be convenient to take them 
in that order. The antecedents of the Move- 
ment usually referred to, such as the temper 
which preceded and created the great French 
Revolution ; the interest in the Middle Ages 
aroused by Sir Walter Scott ; the questionings 
of S. T. Coleridge ; the influence, slight as yet, 
of German philosophy ; the Evangelical re- 
vival and the theologians of the sixteenth and 
seventeenth centuries — all had their effect in 
creating an atmosphere in which the ideas of the 
Movement flourished, as Newman said of the 
rapid spread of the ideas of the Tractarians, 
there was something '' in the air," but they 
were all past and had been more or less ^%- 



118 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

similated or acquiesced in. Their effect was 
not confined merely or even primarily to the 
Church. They or most of them had a great 
effect in moulding men's opinions and helping 
to create that desire for progress and improve- 
ment which was expressed in the cries for 
reform in Church and State. The real danger 
threatened was that arising from the spirit of 
liberalism which had arisen. Liberalism was 
the enemy. The nation had outgrown its 
clothes, and was determined that its govern- 
ment and institutions should be remodelled in 
accordance with what were considered then to 
be modern ideas, and therefore that all neces- 
sary changes should be made with that object. 
The cry was for reform of Parliament ; in a 
country pretending to be governed by repre- 
sentative institutions it was absurd that the 
system of rotten boroughs should be allowed 
to exist, and representation, as in Old Sarum, 
reduced to a farce, and when Parliament had 
been made into a real or more real instrument 
of government, it was obvious that it must be 
used to rectify the evils of which people under 
the unreformed Parliament had suffered so 
long. It meant the destruction of the old 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 119 

regime of privilege and exclusiveness, and there- 
fore among other things relief from religious 
disabilities, the improvement of the general 
law, and what touched English Churchmen to 
the quick, possibly separation of Church and 
State, and at any rate, the reform of the Church, 
interference with its rights and privileges, and 
in the first place the correction or modification 
of such scandals as the Irish Church Establish- 
ment and the English Cathedral Establishment, 
and the like. Even before the Reform Act 
was passed the force of public opinion had 
brought about some changes in the law. In 
1828 the Test and Corporation Acts (9 Geo, 
IV. c. 17) were passed, by which some relief was 
given to Dissenters, and in 1829 the principle 
was further carried out by the concession of 
Roman Catholic Emancipation (10 Geo. IV. c. 
7). On 7th June, 1832, the Reform Bill 
passed the House of Lords, and the new 
Parliament was to meet in 1833. Some idea 
of the frame of mind created among English 
Churchmen by these measures may be gathered 
from the language of Rev. W. Palmer, whom 
Keble,^ writing to Mr. Perceval, describes as 

^ Pusey, vol. i., p. 264. 



120 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

^^ the mildest and most impretending of men ". 
Mr. Palmer says : ^ ''At the beginning of the 
summer of 1833 the Church in England and 
^^' Ireland seemed destined to immediate desola- 
tion and ruin. We had seen in 1828 the re- 
peal of the Test and Corporation Acts cutting 
away from the Church of England one of its 
ancient bulwarks and evincing a disposition to 
make concession to the clamour of its enemies. 
In the next year — the fatal year 1829 — we 
had seen this principle fully carried out by 
the concession of what is called 'Roman 
Catholic Emancipation/ a measure which 
scattered to the winds public principle, public 
confidence, and dispersed a party which, had 
it possessed courage to adhere to its old and 
popular principles, and to act on them with 
manly energy, would have stemmed the torrent 
of revolution and averted the awful crisis 
which was at hand," etc., etc. 

The " awful crisis " arrived in February, 1833, 
when Lord Stanley's Irish Church Tempo- 
ralities Bill was introduced, and on 30th July, 
1833, it passed the House of Lords, and by it 
ten dioceses, that is to say, one-half of the Irish 

1 Palmer's Narrative, p. 96. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 121 

Episcopate, were suppressed. The former 
measures repealing the Test and Corporation 
Acts, Roman Catholic Emancipation and the 
Reform Act might have been recognised as 
Acts of political and social justice not really- 
hostile to the Church of Christ, but this Act 
of Lord Stanley seemed to be a new departure 
in an irreligious direction and a presage of 
worse measures that might follow. 

Measures of this kind, interfering with 
the rights and privileges of the Church, na- 
turally received the support of Protestant 
and Catholic Dissenters, but English Church- 
men also bitterly complained of the support 
given by some members of the Church itself. 
Thus in 1832 Lord Henley had published his 
pamphlet entitled A Plan of Church Reform^ 
with a Letter to the King^ in which he dis- 
cussed such scandals as non-residence, sinecures 
and pluralities, and insisted on the claims of 
the dense populations of manufacturing towns, 
and proposed a Board to manage all Episcopal 
and Capitular estates, the equalisation of 
bishops' incomes, reduction of the staff of 
Cathedrals, new bishoprics, bishops no longer 
to sit in the House of Lords, and Convocation 



122 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

to be revived. Pusey dealt with this scheme 
only SO far as related to the distribution of 
Cathedral endowments. Early in 1833 ap- 
peared Arnold's pamphlet on The Principles 
of Church Reform,^ in which after a defence 
of the National Establishment and a statement 
of the extreme danger to which it was exposed, 
he proposed what seemed to him the only 
means of averting this danger — [a) by a design 
for comprehending the Dissenters within the 
pale of the Establishment without compromise 
of principles on either side, and {b) by various 
details intended to increase its actual efficiency. 
This pamphlet caused an enormous sensation. 
By making the Establishment co-extensive 
with the nation, it virtually destroyed the ex- 
clusive rights and privileges of the existing 
Establishment, and therefore was merely a 
form of Disestablishment. The air was full of 
discussions on questions of this nature, all in- 
volving unsettlement of existing conditions of 
the Church and interference with its existing 
rights and privileges. It is not within the aim 
of this work to discuss these questions or to 
narrate either the course or the result of the 

1 Stanley, Life of Arnold, pp. 292, 293. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 123 

discussions, but they have teen referred to for 
the purpose of showing what it was that Dean 
Church had in mind when he spoke of 
threatened dangers. It was in this state of 
things and in this frame of mind that the 
leaders of the Movement took steps for the 
defence, as they considered, of the Church 
against these dangers. 

2. It will be remembered that the crisis re- 
ferred to by Mr. Palmer arrived in February, 
1833, when Lord Stanley's Bill for the Sup- 
pression of the Irish Bishoprics was introduced, 
and that it passed the House of Lords on 30th 
July, 1833, so that when Newman reached 
home on 9th July, 1833, from his foreign tour, 
he found himself in the midst of the agitation 
caused by that Bill and threatened Act, and the 
general fear of danger to the English Church 
exacerbated by the dealings with the Irish 
Church. English Churchmen, of course,"* had 
not failed to observe and discuss the course of 
events ; no overt act of defence had yet been 
taken, but the feeling was that now the time 
had arrived to act. 

While Newman and Froude were abroad, 
Palmer had been in communication with Bose 



124 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

and Perceval upon the dangers of the times, 
and did what he could to resist ''a dangerous 
proposal" that Unitarians should be treated 
as members of the Christian Community and 
invested with all the privileges of Churchmen.^ 
Palmer mentions a fact illustrating Newman's 
feelings at that time in reference to the sup- 
pression of the bishoprics. He says ^ that the 
then Bishop of London offered to Newman the 
office of Whitehall Preacher at that crisis, but 
that Newman having learned that the bishop 
had not taken a part against the Bill for the 
Suppression of the Bishoprics, declined to 
accept the appointment. 

It being considered necessary to bring to- 
gether for conference a few representative men 
of like minds on the subject of the Church, 
and the best mode of averting the threatened 
dangers (men in full agreement on the main 
questions but with great differences in tem- 
perament and habits of thought), Mr. Rose 
summoned a small meeting which was held 
at his parsonage at Hadleigh in Suffolk be- 

1 Palmer, p. 39. (Pattison, p. 172, speaks of Palmer's 
book as *' his dreary narrative *'.) 

2 Palmer, p. 46, 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 125 

tween the 25th and 29th July. Besides Mr. 
Rose it was attended by Mr. William Palmer 
of Worcester, Mr. Perceval and Mr. Hurrell 
Froude. Keble and Newman were not pre- 
sent, but they were in active correspondence 
with the others, notwithstanding their want of 
confidence in meetings or committees. The 
small company of four, however, proceeded to 
discuss fully for three days the whole state of 
things and the dangers besetting the Church. 
In that they were all of one mind, but when 
it came to propose remedies they could not 
agree ; each person had his own view of what 
would be advisable. In the end no definite 
mode of action was agreed on, though all felt 
the pubhcation of tracts or essays to be an 
important feature, or rather an imperative 
necessity.^ 

Upon returning to Oxford the Conferences 
recommenced, and it was proposed to form 
an Association of Friends of the Church, and 
after a considerable amount of discussion a 
declaration framed by Palmer was adopted as 
the basis of the undertaking, and concluded 

1 Palmer, p. 47 et seq. Adopted by Church, p. 95. 



126 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

with a declaration of principles and purposes 
in the following terms : — 

(1) To maintain pure and inviolate the 
doctrines, the services and the discipline of the 
Church — that is, to withstand all change which 
involves the denial or suppression of doctrine, 
a departure from primitive practice in religious 
offices or innovation upon the Apostolical pre- 
rogative orders and commission of bishops, 
priests and deacons. 

(2) To afford Churchmen an opportunity of 
exchanging their sentiments and co-operating 
together on a large scale. 

The formulary thus agreed on was printed 
and was privately and extensively circulated in 
all parts of England in the autumn of 1833. 
The intention of Mr, Palmer and his more 
particular friends was not to form a society 
merely at Oxford, but to extend it throughout 
all England, or rather to form similar societies 
in every part of England. Although the de- 
claration at first met with some success, the 
plan of an association or of separate associa- 
tions, however, came to nothing. The discus- 
sions which led to the preparation of the 
declaration had revealed considerable differ- 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 127 

ences of opinion on several points. Jealousy- 
was expressed in several high quarters of the 
formation of any associations, and the notion 
was also unacceptable to Froude and others. 
Froude objected to any association less wide 
than the Church itself, and Newman had a 
horror ol committees and meetings and great 
people in London. He felt that the Church 
and the clergy wanted plain speaking, and that 
could not be got by papers put forth as joint 
manifestoes, or with the revision and sanc- 
tion of " safe " and '' judicious " advisers. He 
thought it was better for each man to write 
as he felt, though in concert and sympathy 
with others for the cause and interests of the 
Church. Newman expressed this in a letter ^ 
to Rose, dated the 15th December, 1833 : 
^^ Each tract should be separate — we want 
sharp-shooters, not regular troops ". 

The result was that the association would 
not work. For a time Palmer's line and New- 
man's line ran on side by side, but Palmer's 
plan, though not entirely without result, had 
soon done all it could do and gradually faded 
out of sight ; while Newman, without formal 

^Letters, vol. ii., p. 2. 



128 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

consultation with Palmer and the others, is- 
sued a number of Tracts, which became known 
as the Oxford Tracts, and which he caused to 
be circulated with the utmost diligence, and 
upon them attention was soon concentrated. 
Palmer had, however, undertaken a kind of 
mission to different parts of the country ex- 
plaining the intention and designs of the as- 
sociation, and, meeting with a good deal of 
general approbation, and feeling that there was 
a sound and healthy feeling general in the 
Church, prepared a declaration of attachment 
to the Church to be subscribed by the clergy, 
and which after some revision assumed the 
form of an address to the Archbishop of 
Canterbury, and in February, 1834, this docu- 
ment, with the signatures of about 7,000 clergy, 
was presented to his Grace at Lambeth by a 
deputation representative of Convocation, the 
Universities and the Church at large. This 
was followed by an address from the laity of 
the Church, recording their firm attachment to 
the faith and worship of the Church and her 
Apostolic form of government. This address 
when presented to the Archbishop in May, 
1834, contained about 230,000 signatures. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 129 

These declarations were mainly of importance 
in relieving much of the feeling of despair 
which the Reform Act had created in the 
minds of Churchmen, and, by creating confi- 
dence in their numbers and zeal, strengthening 
their determination to defend their rights and 
privileges. But it is time now to follow the 
main stream of the Movement, that is, the 
Tracts for the Times. Rose was obliged by 
his health to leave Hadleigh, and at the end 
of the Long Vacation went to Durham as Pro- 
fessor of Divinity, then became Principal of 
King's College, London, but died very early, 
and Palmer soon went to a small living in 
the country, and practically passed out of the 
Movement, leaving a clear field to Newman 
and his friends, and the Oxford Movement be- 
came in effect the Tractarian Movement. 

3. Stated roughly, the earlier form of the 
Movement was a practical conservative at- 
tempt to defend the Established Church against 
certain threatened dangers, while the later 
form of the Movement, beginning with an at- 
tempt to establish some principle to which to 
appeal in the defence, developed mainly into 
an attempt to identify the Established Church 



130 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

of England as a branch or part of the Church 
Catholic, but with no more precise terminus, 
and thus theories and investigations were 
launched and prosecuted which led some of 
the leaders to results they had never antici- 
pated when they began. 

'' The ring of these early Tracts," says Dean 
Church,^ " was something very different from 
anything of the kind yet known in England. 
They were clear, brief, stern appeals to con- 
science and reason, sparing in words, utterly 
without rhetoric, intense of purpose. They 
were like the short sharp utterances of men 
in pain and danger and pressing emergency. 
The first one gave the key-note of the series." 
It is here set out in full : — 

'• TEACTS FOE THE TIMES. No. I. 

" Dated 9th Sept., 1833. 

'*To My Bretheen in the Sacred Ministry, the Pres- 
byters AND Deacons of the Church of Christ 
IN England, Ordained thereunto by the Holy 
Ghost and the Imposition of Hands. 

''Fellow-Labourers, — I am but one of your- 
selves — a Presbyter ; and therefore I conceal 

1 Church, p. 110, 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 131 

my name, lest I should take too much on 
myself by speaking in my own person. Yet 
speak I must ; for the times are very evil, yet 
no one speaks against them. 

" Is not this so ? Do not we ' look one upon 
another/ yet perform nothing? Do we not 
all confess the peril into which the Church 
is come, yet sit still each in his own retirement, 
as if mountains and seas cut off brother from 
brother ? Therefore suffer me, while I try to 
draw you forth from those pleasant retreats, 
which it has been our blessedness hitherto to 
enjoy, to contemplate the condition and pros- 
pects of our Holy Mother in a practical way ; 
so that one and all may unlearn that idle 
habit, which has grown upon us, of owning 
the state of things to be bad, yet doing nothing 
to remedy it. 

'' Consider a moment. Is it fair, is it dutiful, 
to suffer our bishops to stand the brunt of 
the battle without doing our part to support 
them ? Upon them comes ' the care of all the 
Churches '. This cannot be helped ; indeed 
it is their glory. Not one of us would wish 
in the least to deprive them of the duties, the 

toils, the responsibilities of their high office, 

9 * 



132 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

And, black event as it would be for the 
country, yet (as far as they are concerned) we 
would not wish them a more blessed termina- 
tion of their course than the spoiling of their 
goods and martyrdom. 

^^To them then we willingly and aflfectionately 
relinquish their high privileges and honours ; 
we encroach not upon the rights of the 
Successors of the Apostles ; we touch not 
their sword and crozier. Yet surely we may 
be their shield-bearers in the battle without 
offence ; and by our voice and deeds be to 
them what Luke and Timothy were to St. 
Paul. 

'^ Now, then, let me come at once to the 
subject which leads me to address you. Should 
the Government and the Country so far forget 
their God as to cast off the Church, to deprive 
it of its temporal honours and substance, on 
ivhat will you rest the claim of respect and 
attention which you make upon your flocks ? 
Hitherto you have been upheld by your birth, 
your education, your wealth, your connections ; 
should these secular advantages cease, on 
what must Christ's Ministers depend? Is 
not this a serious practical question ? We 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 133 

know how miserable is the state of religious 
bodies not supported by the State. Look at 
the Dissenters on all sides of you, and you 
will see at once that their Ministers, depending 
simply upon the people, become the creatures 
of the people. Are you content that this 
should be your case ? Alas ! can a greater 
evil befall Christians than for their teachers 
to be guided by them, instead of guiding? 
How can we 'hold fast the form of sound 
words,' and 'keep that which is committed 
to our trust,' if our influence is to depend 
simply on our popularity ? Is it not our very 
office to oppose the world ? Can we then 
allow ourselves to court it ? to preach smooth 
things and prophesy deceits ? to make the 
way of life easy to the indolent and rich, and 
to bribe the humbler classes by excitements 
and strong intoxicating doctrine ? Surely it 
must not be so; — and the question recurs. 
On what are we to rest our authority when 
the State deserts us ? 

" Christ has not left His Church without 
claim of its own upon the attention of men. 
Surely not. Hard Master He cannot be, to 
bid us oppose the world, yet give us no ere- 



134 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

dentials for so doing. There are some who 
rest their Divine mission on their own unsup- 
ported assertion ; others, who rest it on their 
popularity ; others, on their success ; and 
others who rest it upon their temporal dis- 
tinctions. This last case has, perhaps, been 
too much our own ; I fear we have neglected 
the real ground on which our authority is 
built — Oujft Apostolic Descent. 

^' We have been born, not of blood, nor of the 
will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of 
God. The Lord Jesus Christ gave His spirit 
to His Apostles ; they in turn laid their hands 
on those who should succeed them, and these 
again on others ; and so the sacred gift has 
been handed down to our present bishops, 
who have appointed us as their assistants, and 
in some sense representatives. 

" Now every one of us believes this. I know 
that some will at first deny they do ; still they 
do believe it. Only, it is not sufficiently, 
practically, impressed on their minds. They 
do believe it ; for it is the doctrine of the Or- 
dination Service, which they have recognised 
as truth in the most solemn season of their 
lives. In order, then, not to prove, but to 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 135 

remind and impress, I entireat your attention 
to the words used when you were made 
Ministers of Christ's Church. 

'^ The office of Deacon was thus committed 
to you : ' Take thou authority to execute the 
office of a Deacon in the Church of God com- 
mitted unto thee ; In the name/ etc. 

'' And the Priesthood thus : ' Receive the 
Holy Ghost, for the office and work of a 
Priest, in the Church of God, now committed 
unto thee by the imposition of our hands. 
Whose sins thou dost forgive, they are for- 
given ; and whose sins thou dost retain, they 
are retained. And be thou a faithful dis- 
penser of the Word of God, and of His Holy 
Sacraments ; In the name,' etc. 

'* These, I say, were words spoken to us, and 
received by us, when we were brought nearer 
to God than at any other time of our lives. 
I know the grace of ordination is contained 
in the laying on of hands, not in any form of 
words ; — yet in our own case (as has been 
usual in the Church) words of blessing have 
accompanied the act. Thus we have confessed 
before God our belief that the Bishop who 
ordained us gave us the Holy Ghost, gave us 



136 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

the power to bind and to loose, to adminster 
the Sacraments, and to preach. ^ Now how is 
he able to give these great gifts ? Whence is 
his right ? Are these words idle (which would 
be taking God's name in vain), or do they ex- 
press merely a wish (which surely is very far 
below their meaning), or do they not rather 
indicate that the speaker is conveying a gift ? 
Surely they can mean nothing short of this. 
But whence, I ask, his right to do so ? Has 
he any right, except as having received the 
power from those who consecrated him to be 
a bishop? He could not give what he had 
never received. It is plain then that he but 
transmits ; and that the Christian Ministry is 
a successiofi. And if we trace back the power 
of ordination from hand to hand, of course we 
shall come to the Apostles at last. We know 

1 The text is that set out by Dean Trench, Oxford Move- 
mentf p. 112. The reprint, dated 1839, though the Preface 
is dated Feast of All Saints, 1834, is addressed, ** Thoughts 
on the Ministerial Commission Eespectfully Addressed to 
the Clergy. — I am but one of yourselves — a Presbyter," 
etc., and instead of ** our belief that the Bishop who ordained 
us gave us the Holy Ghost,** etc., it says, " our belief that 
through the Bishop who ordained us we received the Holy 
Ghost," etc. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 137 

we do, as a plain historical fact ; and therefore 
all we, who have been ordained clergy, in the 
very form of our ordination acknowledge the 
doctrine of the Apostolic Succession. 

" And for the same reason, we must neces- 
sarily consider none to be really ordained who 
have not thus been ordained. For if ordination 
is a Divine ordinance, it must be necessary ; 
and if it is not a Divine ordinance, how dare 
we use it ? Therefore all who use it, all of us^ 
must consider it necessary. As well might we 
pretend the Sacraments are not necessary to 
salvation, while we make use of the offices in 
the Liturgy ; for when God appoints means of 
grace, they are the means. 

^' I do not see how any one can escape from 
this plain view of the subject, except (as I 
have already hinted) by declaring that the 
words do not mean all that they say. But 
only reflect what a most unseemly time for 
random words is that in which ministers are 
set apart for their office. Do we not adopt 
a Liturgy in order to hinder inconsiderate idle 
language, and shall we, in the most sacred 
of all services, write down, subscribe, and 
use again and again forms of speech which 



138 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

have not been weighed, and cannot be taken 
strictly ? 

^^ Therefore, my dear brethren, act up to your 
professions. Let it not be said that you have 
neglected a gift ; for if you have the Spirit of 
the Apostles on you, surely this is a great gift. 
'Stir up the gift of God which is in you.' 
Make much of it. Show your value of it. 
Keep it before your minds as an honourable 
badge, far higher than that secular respecta- 
bility, or cultivation, or polish, or learning, 
or rank, which gives you a hearing with the 
many. Tell them of your gift. The times 
will soon drive you to do this, if you mean to 
be still anything. But wait not for the times. 
Do not be compelled, by the world's forsak- 
ing you, to recur as if unwillingly to the high 
source of your authority. Speak out now, 
before you are forced, both as glorying in your 
privilege and to insure your rightful honour 
from your people. A notion has gone abroad 
that they can take away your power. They 
think they have given and can take it away. 
They think it lies in the Church property, and 
they know that they have politically the power 
to confiscate that property. They have been 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 139 

deluded into a notion that present palpable 
usefulness, produceable results, acceptableness 
to your flocks, that these and such like are the 
tests of your Divine commission. Enlighten 
them in this matter. Exalt our Holy Fathers 
the bishops, as the representatives of the 
Apostles, and the Angels of the Churches ; 
and magnify your office, as being ordained 
by them to take part in their ministry. 

" But, if you will not adopt my view of the 
subject, which I offer to you, not doubtingly, 
yet (I hope) respectfully, at all events choose 
YOUR side. To remain neuter much longer 
will be itself to take a part. Choose your side ; 
since side you shortly must, with one or other 
party, even though you do nothing. Fear to 
be of those whose line is decided for them by 
chance circumstances, and who may perchance 
find themselves with the enemies of Christ, 
while they think but to remove themselves 
from worldly politics. Such abstinence is 
impossible in troublous times. He that is 
NOT WITH Me is against Me, and he that 

GATHERETH NOT WITH Me SCATTERETH ABROAD." 

4. List of the Tracts with their dates, 
authors and subjects : — 



140 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 



TRACTS FOR THE TIMES. 



^0. 


Date. 




Author. 




1833. 






1. 


9th Sept. 




Newman 


2. 








4. 


21st „ 




J. Keble 


5. 


18th Oct. 


J. 


W. Bowden 



6. 


29th „ 


Newman 


7. 


>> >j 


99 


8. 


31st „ 


R. H. Froude 


9. 


j> » 


99 


10. 


4th Nov. 


Newman 


11. 


11th „ 


j> 


12. 


4th Dec. 


Thos. Keble 


13. 


5th „ 


J. Keble 


14. 
15. 


12th „ 
13th „ 


A. Menzies 
(W. Palmer. Re- 
vised and completed 
by Newman) 


16. 


17th „ 


B. Harrison 



Subject. 



Thoughts on the Minis- 
terial Commission. 

The Catholic Church. 

On alterations in the 
Liturgy. 

Adherence to the Apos- 
tolical Succession the 
safest course. 

The Nature and Consti- 
tution of the Church 
of Christ and of the 
Branch of it estab- 
lished in England. 

The present obligation 
of Primitive Practice. 

The Episcopal Church 
Apostolical. 

The Gospel a Law of 
Liberty. 

On shortening the 
Church Services. 

Heads of a week-day 
lecture delivered to 
a country congrega- 
tion. 

The Visible Church. 
Letters I. and 11. 

Richard Nelson. No. I. 
Bishops, Priests and 
Deacons. 

Sunday Lessons. Prin- 
ciple of Selection. 

The Ember Days. 

On the Apostolical Suc- 
cession in the Eng- 
lish Church. See 
Apologia, pp. 115-16. 

Advent. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 



141 



No. Date. 
1833. 

17. 20th Dec. 

18. 21st „ 

19. 23rd „ 

20. 24th „ 

1834. 

21. 1st Jan. 

22. 6th „ 

23. ,, ,, 

24. 25th „ 

25. ,, ,, 

26. 2nd Feb. 

27. 24th „ 

28. 25th March 

29. ,, ,, 

30. „ „ 

31. 25th April 



Author. 



B. Harrison 



E. B. Pusey 



Newman 



Thos. Keble 
A. P. Perceval 

B. Harrison 



Reprint (Bp. 
Beveridge) 

Reprint (Bp. 
Beveridge) 

Reprint (Bp. 

Cosin) 

The same 

J. W. Bowden 



The same 
Newman 



Suhiect. 



The Ministerial Com- 
mission. A trust 
from Christ for the 
benefit of His people. 

On the benefits of the 
System of Fasting, 
enjoined by our 
Church. 

On Arguing concerning 
the Apostolical Suc- 
cession. 

The Visible Church. 
Letter III. 



Mortification of the 
Flesh a Scripture 
duty. 

Richard Nelson. No. 
II. The Athanasian 
Creed. 

The Faith and obedi- 
ence of Churchmen 
the strength of the 
Church. 

The Scriptm^e view of 
the Apostolic Com- 
mission. 

The great Necessity and 
Advantage of Public 
Prayer. 

The Necessity and Ad- 
vantage of Frequent 
Communion. 

The History of Popish 
Transubstantia tion . 

Concluded. 

Christian Liberty, or 
Why should we be- 
long to the Church 
of England ? 

Continued. 

The Reformed Church. 



142 SHOUT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 



No. 


Date. 
1834. 


Author. 


32. 


25th April 


C. P. Eden 


33. 
34. 


1st May 

5> »> 


Newman 
>> 


35. 


8th „ 


A. P. Perceval 


36. 


11th June 


99 


37. 


24th „ 


Reprint 


38. 
39. 


25th July 


Newman 
Reprint 


40. 


99 J> 


Thos. Keble 


41. 
42. 


24th Aug. 


Newman 
Reprint 


43. 


21st Sept. 


Thos. Keble 


44. 


29th „ 


Reprint 


45. 


18th Oct. 


Newman 


46. 


28th „ 


Reprint 


47. 


1st Nov. 


Newman 


48. 


30th „ 


Reprint 



Subject. 



The standing Ordi- 
nances of Religion. 

Primitive Episcopacy. 

Rites and Customs of 
the Church. 

The People's Interest in 
their Ministers' Com- 
mission, 

Account of Religious 
Sects at present exist- 
ing in England. 

Bp. Wilson's Form of 
Excommunication. 

Via Media^ No. I. 

Bp. Wilson's Form of 
receiving Penitents. 

Richard Nelson. No. 
HI. On Baptism. 

Via Media, No. II. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. I. Sun- 
day. 

Richard Nelson. No. 
IV. Length of the 
Public Service. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. II. Mon- 
day. 

The grounds of our 
Faith. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. III. Tues- 
day. 

The Visible Church. 
Letter IV. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. IV. Wed- 
nesday. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 



143 



No. Date. 
1834. 

49. 25th Dec. 

50. 26th „ 



1835. 

51. 6th Jan. 

52. Undated 

53. 24th Feb. 

54. 2nd „ 

55. 25th March 

56. „ „ 

57. „ „ 



59. 25th „ 

60. 25th March 



61. 1st May 



Author. 

B. Harrison 
Reprint 



R. F. Wilson 
J. Keble 

Reprint 
J. Keble 

Reprint 

J. W. Bowden 
J. Keble 



58. 19th April J. W. Bowden 



R. H. Froude 
J. Keble 



A. Butler 



Subject. 



The Kingdom of 
Heaven. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. ly. Wed- 
nesday (continued). 



On dissent without 
reason in conscience. 

Sermons for Saints' 
Days and Holidays. 
No. I. St. Matthias. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. V. Thurs- 
day. 

Sermons for Saints' 
Days and Holidays. 
No. II. The Annun- 
ciation of the Blessed 
Virgin Mary. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. V. Thurs- 
day (continued). 

Holy Days observed in 
the English Church. 

Sermons for Saints' 
Days and Holidays. 
No. III. St. Mark's 
Day. 

On the Church as 
viewed by Faith and 
by the World. 

Church and State. 

Sermons for Saints' 
Days and Holidays. 
No. IV. St. PhiHp 
and St. James. 

The Catholic Church a 
witness against illib- 
erality. 



144 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 



No. 


Date. 
1835. 


Author. 


62. 


1st May 


Reprint 


63. 


»> >> 


R. H. Froude 


64. 


11th June 


Reprint 


65. 


29th „ 


>> 


66. 


25th July 


Pusey 


67. 


24th Aug. 


» 


68. 


29th Sept. 


99 


69. 


18th Oct. 


99 


70. 


28th „ 
1836. 


Reprint 


71. 


1st Jan. 


Newman 


72. 


6th „ 


Reprint 


73. 


2nd Feb. 


Newman 


74. 


25th April 

(Printed as 

appendix to 

Tract No. 77) 


99 



Subject. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. y. Thurs- 
day. 

The Antiquity of the 
Existing Liturgies. 

Bp. Bull on the Ancient 
Liturgies. 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. YI. Fri- 
day. 

On the Benefits of the 
system of Fasting 
prescribed by our 
Church. Supple- 

ment to Tract 18. 

Scriptural views of 
Holy Baptism. 

Scriptural views of Holy 
Baptism (continued). 

Scriptural views of Holy 
Baptism (concluded). 

Bp. Wilson's Medita- 
tions on his Sacred 
Office. No. YII. 
Saturday. 

On the Controversy 
with the Romanists. 
(No. I. Against Ro- 
manism.) 

Archbishop Usher on 
Prayers for the 
Dead. (No. XL 

Against Romanism.) 

On the Introduction 
of Rationalistic Prin- 
ciples into Religion. 

Catena Patrum. No. I. 
Testimony of Writers 
in the later English 
Church to the doc- 
trine of the Apos- 
tolical Succession, 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 



145 



No. Date. 
1836. 
75. 24th June 



76. 29th Sept. 



77. 1st Nov. 
(First issued 

with Tract 
No. 74) 

1837. 

78. 2nd Feb. 



Author. 



Newman 



Pusey 



H. E. Manning and 
C. Marriott 



79. 25th March 

80. Undated 



81. 1st Nov. 



Newman 
I. Williams 



Pusey 



Subject, 



On the Roman Brev- 
iary as embodying 
the substance of the 
devotional Services of 
the Church Catholic. 

Catena Patrum, No. II. 
Testimony of writers 
in the later EngHsh 
Church to the doc- 
trine of Baptismal 
Regeneration. 

An earnest Remon- 
strance to the Au- 
thor of The Pope's 
Letter. 



Catena Patrum, No. 
III. Testimony of 
writers in the later 
English Church to 
the duty of maintain- 
ing Quod Semper, quod 
uhique, quod ah omni- 
bus traditum est, 

OnPurgatory. (No.III. 
Against Romanism.) 

On reserve in Com- 
municating Religious 
knowledge. Parts L- 
III. 

Catena Patrum, Testi- 
mony of writers in 
the later English 
Church to the doc- 
trine of the Euchar- 
istic Sacrifice with an 
historical account of 
the changes made in 
the Liturgy as to 
the expression of 
that doctrine. 



10 



146 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 



No. 



82. 



Date. 


Author. 


1837. 




1st Nov. 


Newman 



1838. 

83. 29th June 

84. 24th Aug. 



Thos. Keble 



85. 21st Sept. 

1839. 

86. 25th March 



Newman 



I. Williams 



1840. 

87. 2nd Feb. 

88. 25th March 



Newman 



Subject. 



Preface, title-page and 
contents to vol. iv., 
i.e., Tracts 78-81, 
both inclusive. It 
was intended that 
each volume should 
contain the Tracts 
issued in an aca- 
demical year. 



Advent Sermons on 
Antichrist. 

(Conclusion from page 
35 by G. Prevost.) 
Whether a Clergy- 
man of the Church 
of England be now 
bound to have Morn- 
ing and Evening 
Prayer daily in his 
Parish Church. 

Lectures on the Scrip- 
ture proof of the Doc- 
trines of the Church. 



Indications of a Super- 
intending Providence 
in the Preservation 
of the Prayer-book 
and in the changes 
which it has under- 
gone. 



Reserve in communicat- 
ing Religious Know- 
ledge (conclusion). 

The Greek Devotions 
of Bp. Andrews. 
Translated and ar- 
ranged. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 147 

No. Date. Author. Subject. 

1840. 

89. Undated J. Keble On the Mysticism 

attributed to the 
early Fathers of the 
Church. 

1841. 

90. 25th Jan. Newman Remarks on certain pas- 

sages in the Thirty- 
nine Articles. 

Appended to volumes i. and ii. as Tracts for the Times 
are papers styled *' Eecords of the Church," such as 
** Translations of Justin Martyr on Primitive Christian 
Worship/' *' Irenseus on the Eule of Faith," ** St. Cyprian 
on the Unity of the Church," etc. 

This list is based on the Tracts for the Times ; Pusey's 
LifCy vol. iii., Appendix ; Burgon's Twelve Good Men, vol. 
i.. Appendix D, and the references in the Lives referred 
to in the list of authors prefixed hereto, but the greatest 
assistance has been obtained from the Pusey Appendix 
from which the writer has obtained most of the names 
and dates of the several Tracts and some incidental in- 
formation. No. 8, attributed in Pusey to Newman, seems 
to have been written by E. H. Froude, see L. J. Guiney's 
Life of Froude, and Burgon's Appendix D to vol. i., p. 492, 
quoting Marriott's statement in a letter to Eev. A. Burn 
(Chichester, 29th Jan., 1840) : '' You ought to know that 
Froude was the author of the Tract ' The Gospel a Law of 
Liberty,* " the subject of Tract 8. No. 81, attributed to 
Pusey in the Appendix to his Life^ is there said to be 
sometimes attributed to B. Harrison, but according to 
Burgon, who says he had the assistance of Harrison 
in preparing his Appendix, that Tract was by Harrison 

10* 



148 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

and had prefixed a Tract by Dr. Pusey. As to No. 32, 
by C. P. Eden, Burgon refers to the Life of Eden. No. 
51, attributed in the Fusey Appendix to R. P. Wilson, is 
said by Burgon to be of uncertain authorship. After the 
first edition No. 65 is a Tract of thirty-two pages containing 
the unabridged form of Bishop Wilson's Meditations for 
Friday and Saturday, and the Notes to the Scriptural views 
of Holy Baptism, Tracts 67, 68 and 69, are reckoned as 
No. 70. 

Down to the middle of 1839 the progress of 
the Movement and especially of the Tractarian 
development was strenuous, prosperous and 
confident. The idea entertained during the 
early ages, expounded by Mr. Bryce in his Holy 
Roman Empire, that the Church and the State 
were one and coterminous, was not and could 
not be entertained by English Churchmen in 
view of the facts of the legalised existence of 
Roman and Protestant dissenters ; but a form 
of that idea, i.e., the idea that an Established 
Church was a vital part of the State, was held 
by them, and so strongly that the tampering 
with such connection, whether by the suppres- 
sion of Irish bishoprics or threatened inter- 
ference with the English Church, justified the 
use by Mr. Keble and his friends of so strong 
a term as '' National Apostasy ". 1 Newman 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 149 

himself had returned in July fully recovered 
from his recent serious illness, full of life and 
vigour, and so rejuvenated that some of his 
friends hardly recognised him, and able and 
willing to take up the work he had to do, 
which he had rather mistily talked of in Rome 
and Sicily. In 1833 Newman was firmly con- 
fident of his position, based on three proposi- 
tions : ^ (1) The principle of dogma. His battle 
was with liberalism, by which he meant the 
anti-dogmatic principle and its developments. 
(2) The truth of a certain definite religious 
teaching based on that foundation of dogma — 
viz. J that there was a visible Church, with 
sacraments and rites which were the channels 
of invisible grace and which he thought was 
the doctrine of Scripture of the early Church 
and of the Anglican Church. In 1834 and 
following years he put this ecclesiastical doc- 
trine on a broader basis after reading Laud, 
Bramhall, Stillingfleet and other Anglican 
divines on the one hand, and after study- 
ing the Fathers on the other, but when he 
began the Tracts for the Times he rested the 
main doctrine upon Scripture, on the Anglican 
1 Apologia^ p. 48. 



150 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Prayer-book and on St. Ignatius's Epistles. 
(3) The third point was his view of the Church 
of Rome, which he considered to be Antichrist ; 
but as time went on he became less bitter on 
the subject and did not give up the notion 
altogether in any shape till 1843 ; but the two 
first propositions Newman says he always re- 
tained. The Tracts began by the issue of 
Newman's three dated the 9th of September, 
1833, and the issue continued rapidly till about 
the end of 1835, when, the influence of Pusey 
having made itself felt, the Tracts from being 
merely short sharp addresses, designed, as 
stated in the advertisement prefixed to volume 
i. of the Tracts, to strengthen the Anglican 
Church against the inroads of Popery and of 
Methodism, and to rouse the members of the 
Church to comprehend her position and their 
own duties, with only so much of doctrine 
and argument as might be necessary to ac- 
count for their publication or might answer 
more obvious objections to the views there- 
in advocated, became argumentative treatises 
and promised to form a deeper and fuller 
body of Anglican theology based on the lines 
laid down by the theologians of the seveu- 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 151 

teenth century, and with these were ponderous 
catenae of patristic or Anglican divinity by 
which the continuity and authority of various 
points of such doctrine were intended to be 
established. Pusey had contributed Tract 
18, dated 21st December, 1833, but did not 
fully join the Movement till 1835 or 1836. 
He published his Tracts on Baptism,^ August 
to October, 1835, being Nos. 67, 68 and 69, 
and started the Library of the Fathers in 1836. 
The distribution of the earlier Tracts was ener- 
getic though primitive. The Rev. T. Mozley 
describes the difficulties of circulating them. 
After referring to the prejudice against Tracts, 
which had become a favourite medium for the 
spread of the truth as currently believed, but 
from which the clergy and educated classes 
had been exempt, and the practical difficulties 
with publishers about publishing, circulating 
and the like, he says the Tracts had to be 
circulated by post, by hand, or anyhow, and 
many a young clergyman spent days in riding 
about with a pocketful, surprising his neigh- 
bours at breakfast, lunch, dinner and tea. The 
correspondence that ensued was enormous. 
^ Apologia f p. 42, 



152 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Nobody was too humble in intellect or in 
clerical position not to be invited and enrolled 
an ally/ Newman says he called upon clergy 
in various parts of the country (as upon a 
Northamptonshire clergyman who inquired 
whether Whately was at the bottom of them) 
whether he was acquainted with them or not, 
attended the houses of friends and wrote 
various letters, and later on^ he describes 
how young curates fresh from Oxford had 
down from London parcels of the Tracts and 
other publications, placed them in the shops 
of local booksellers, got them into newspapers, 
introduced them into clerical meetings, and 
converted more or less their rectors and their 
brother curates. If it may be permitted to use 
the language of Company Promoters in con- 
nection with a religious Movement, it might 
* be said that it was well '' boomed". Towards 
the end of 1834 the first forty-six Tracts were 
collected into a volume with an advertisement 
prefixed explaining their object. The first 
sentence is : ''The following Tracts were pub- 
lished with the object of contributing some- 

1 Mozley, BeminisGences, pp. 312-13. 

2 Apologia, pp. 58, 59. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 153 

thing towards the practical revival of doc- 
trines, which although held by great divines 
of our Church at present have become obso- 
lete with the majority of her members, and are 
withdrawn from public view even by the more 
learned and orthodox few who still adhere to 
them " Then it refers to the Apostolic Suc- 
cession and the Holy Catholic Church as 
principles of action in the minds of their 
predecessors of the seventeenth century, the 
increase of sectarianism, that the Sacraments, 
not preaching, are the sources of Divine 
Grace, that the Apostolical Ministry had a 
virtue in it which went out over the whole 
Church when sought by the prayer of faith, 
that fellowship with it was a gift and a privi- 
lege as well as a duty, that Methodism and 
Popery are in different ways the refuge of 
those v/hom the Church stints of the gifts of 
grace, and calls attention to the neglect of 
the daily service, the desecration of festivals, 
the scanty administration of the Eucharist, in- 
subordination and such deficiencies, and that 
an injunction to men to depend on their pri- 
vate judgment cruel in itself is doubly hurt- 
ful as throwing them on such teachers as speak 



154 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

daringly and promise largely, and not only aid 
but supersede individual exertion, and that 
those neglected doctrines faithfully preached 
would repress that extension of Popery for 
which the multiplying divisions of the re- 
ligious world were preparing the way, 

For about a year after the Hadleigh Con- 
ference matters progressed quietly, Mr. Palmer 
was pathetically busy with his addresses and 
associations, and the University found con- 
genial amusement and interest in discussing 
the false quantity made by the Duke of 
Wellington on his installation as Chancellor, 
but in the meantime the Tracts were increas- 
ing rapidly in number, and although the early 
energetic distribution was no longer persisted 
in, and perhaps unnecessary, they had attracted 
attention and caused inquiry all over the 
country and not merely in Oxford. And con- 
currently Newman was Sunday by Sunday de- 
livering with increasing power and influence 
those Sermons which attracted the members 
of the University in great numbers and formed 
a powerful and luminous commentary on the 
great ethical and religious questions which 
underlie all the forms of religious faith. The 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 155 

influence of Mr. Palmer and his friends with 
their mechanical processes naturally decayed, 
while the influence of Newman and his friends 
with their strenuous appeals to the learning, 
intelligence and consciences of men as natur- 
ally increased. 

5. Towards the end of 1834 the fears of 
immediate violent interference with the Eng- 
lish Church had largely died down, but a new 
and important question appeared which raised 
in effect the claim of Oxford to be an exclusive 
preserve for members of the Church and a 
training ground for its clergy, and not merely 
a place of education for the nation at large. 
This question was brought forward by the 
Liberals, and was whether subscription to the 
Thirty-nine Articles should still be required at 
matriculation from all persons who desired to 
enter the University. Oxford had always been 
one of the great schools of the Church, and 
had even more than Cambridge been regarded 
as the home of dogmatic orthodox Church 
teaching, and was for all practical purposes an 
ecclesiastical institution in the closest connec- 
tion with the Church. Unlike Cambridge, it 
required every one who matriculated to sign 



156 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

the Thirty-nine Articles. The proposal there- 
fore to abolish the subscription at matricula- 
tion with the express object of admitting 
Dissenters, came as a shock to all who con- 
sidered themselves to be sound Churchmen 
without any taint of Liberalism. This pro- 
posal produced two pamphlets of interest, one 
by a writer who signed himself Rusticus, and 
who was, in fact, well known afterwards as the 
Rev. F. D. Maurice, who defended subscription 
on the ground that the Articles were signed 
not as tests or confessions of faith, but as 
^' Conditions of thought " under which learners 
were willing to learn and teachers to teach, 
but this reasoning obviously cut away the 
ground on which the orthodox rested their 
defence of subscription. The other pamphlet 
directly indicated and enforced the proposal. 
It was by Dr. Hampden, who had delivered 
the Bampton Lectures in 1832. His theory 
was that all creeds and formularies were 
merely the inventions of philosophy and in- 
vasions of Christian Liberty. The importance 
of the pamphlet was said to have arisen from 
its reasons and not from its conclusions, its 
ground being that already developed in bfe 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 157 

Bampton Lectures, namely, the distinction 
between the '' Divine facts " of revelation and 
all human interpretations of them and infer- 
ences from them, and this was used as an 
argument against the old system of the Uni- 
versity, and his reasons created alarm among 
the sounder Churchmen. Put more precisely, 
in this pamphlet he had maintained that re- 
ligion was distinct from theological opinion, 
that it is but a common prejudice to identify 
theological propositions, methodically deduced 
and stated, with the simple religion of Christ, 
that under theological opinion were to be 
placed the Trinitarian doctrine and the Uni- 
tarian, that a dogma was a theological opinion 
formally insisted on, that speculation always 
left an opening for improvement, and that the 
Church of England was not dogmatic in its 
spirit, though the wording of its formularies 
might so sound. In November, 1834, Hamp- 
den sent Newman a copy of the second edition 
of the pamphlet, and in his letter acknowledg- 
ing its receipt, Newman says: ''While I re- 
spect the tone of piety which the pamphlet dis- 
plays, I dare not trust myself to put on paper 
my feelings about the principles contained in 



158 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

it ; tending as they do in my opinion to make 
shipwreck of Christian faith ".^ A war of pam- 
phlets ensued between those who insisted on 
the religious character of University educa- 
tion and those who insisted on the injustice of 
exclusion and the hurtfulness of tests applied 
to young and ignorant men. In the end the 
heads of houses were induced to submit to 
the Oxford Convocation the proposal to abo- 
lish subscription at matriculation, and it was 
in May, 1835, rejected by a majority of five to 
one, and this large majority was a genuine 
expression of the sense of the University.^ 
In August, September and October, 1835, 
Pusey had issued the Tracts by him on 
Holy Baptism. These being on the same 
subject could scarcely be called Tracts, but 
made a bulky volume of 400 pages which 
on reprinting was cut down to about 200 
pages, and was considered a very learned 
and complete treatise on the subject. In 
November, 1835, the preface to volume ii. of 
the Tracts, after referring to the altered state 
of public information and opinion relating 
to the grounds of adherence to the Church 

^ Apologia^ p. 67. ^ Church, p. 158. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 159 

created by discussions in various quarters and 
among other writers by the writers of the 
Tracts, the author refers especially to the 
doctrine of the one Catholic and Apostolic 
Church, and to the fact that the prospect of 
the loss of State protection had made it neces- 
sary to look out for other reasons for adher- 
ence to the Church besides that of obedience 
to the civil magistrate, that the work would 
not be the work of a day, and that relapses, 
abuses and perversions must not occasion sur- 
prise. From the end of 1835 or the beginning 
of 1836 men outside Oxford began to be alive 
to the new and not very intelligible ideas re- 
ferred to in the Tracts and the preface to 
volume ii. The question of subscription was 
of course a question of very far-reaching im- 
portance, but an event was about to occur 
which although of far less intrinsic import- 
ance in general University polity yet attracted 
enormous interest in the University and the 
Church, and, coupled with the ideas just re- 
ferred to, naturally occasioned great alarm. 
/i. On the 19th January, 1836, Dr. Burton, 
the Regius Professor of Divinity, unexpectedly 
died, and in a few days the news came that 



160 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

the Prime Minister, Lord Melbourne, would 
appoint Hampden to the vacant chair. Great 
commotion arose at Oxford, a petition to the 
throne was presented, but rejected, and every 
influence was used by the High Church and 
Tory party to prevent such an appointment 
being made : but Dr. Hampden became Pro- 
fessor. He was a man of mature age, having 
been born in 1793, and of ability, who had ob- 
tained a double first class and a Fellowship at 
Oriel. On marriage he left Oxford and en- 
gaged in parochial and other work for some 
time, but ultimately returned to Oxford. He 
was of assistance to Dr. Hawkins in taking 
part in the tuition at Oriel when the provost 
fell into difficulties with the tutors. In 1833 
he became Principal of St. Mary Hall, and in 
1834 Professor of Moral Philosophy as against 
Newman the other candidate. But he was a 
Liberal both in religion and politics. The Eev. 
T. Mozley says : '^ Hampden was one of the 
most unprepossessing of men. He was not 
so much repulsive as utterly unattractive. 
There was a certain stolidity about him that 
contrasted strongly with the bright, vivacious 
and singularly lovable figures with whom the 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 161 

eyes of Oriel men were then familiarised . . . 
his face was inexpressive, his head was set 
deep in his broad shoulders and his voice was 
harsh and unmodulated. Some one said of 
him that he stood before you like a milestone 
and brayed at you like a jackass. . . . He 
made one thing as dull as another."^ 

In 1827 he had published an essay on the 
Philosophical Evidence of Christianity, and in 
1832 had delivered his famous Bampton 
Lectures on the Scholastic Philosophy Con- 
sidered in its Relations to Christian Theology, 
but he was best known at Oxford by his 
pamphlet, already referred to, advocating the 
admission of Dissenters to the University. 
The opposition was so strong that Hampden 
offered to resign the appointment, but the 
Prime Minister declined to accept it or to 
yield to University clamour, and accordingly 
in October, 1836, Hampden entered on his 
office. It is easy to understand the feelings 
of the High Churchmen at an appointment 

1 BeminiscenceSj . pp. 351-52. Lord Panmure said : 
'* Macaulay's History is not a history ; it is raerely pot- 
house gossip " (Life of Earl Granville^ by Lord Edmond 
Fitzmaurice, vol. i., p. 141). 

11 



162 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

which carried with it the power of instruct- 
ing and guiding half the rising clergy of Eng- 
land. The Bampton Lectures which formed 
the foundation of the objection to Hampden, 
although delivered so long ago as 1832, were 
practically unknown to most men at the Uni- 
versity. The subject was dry and difficult 
and the treatment unattractive. They were 
in fact neither listened to nor read till later 
events called attention to them, when it was 
found that their theory left nothing standing 
but the authority of the letter of the Scrip- 
ture. All else was '' speculation," " human in- 
ference," '' dogma," and he did not pretend to 
take even the creeds out of that category. 
He distinguished between the '' Divine facts " 
of Scripture and the authority of its bare letter 
and the glosses placed on them or deduced 
from them by the Church, whether in the 
shape of creeds or other formularies, and so 
implicitly denied the authority of the Church 
and treated its most authoritative assertions 
as mere dicta. It was this theory on which 
he based his plan of comprehension in his 
pamphlet on the admission of Dissenters. Men 
were familiar with that as raising a distinct 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 163 

concrete issue who would never pay any atten- 
tion to abstract investigations and discussions 
like those contained in the Lectures. It was 
the reasoning in the pamphlet which startled 
and aroused men quite as much as its conclu- 
sions, and by degrees it filtered into men's 
minds that this reasoning was in essence 
identical with that in the Lectures, and, not- 
withstanding Hampden's professions of ab- 
solute orthodoxy, both alike unsound and 
dangerous. It was felt that efforts should be 
made to neutralise the effect of the appoint- 
ment so far as was then possible, and natur- 
ally the first step was to mark their disagree- 
ment with Hampden's unsound positions and 
to censure his errors, but a preliminary diffi- 
culty arose in the comparative ignorance of 
the majority of his specific teaching, and 
therefore a pamphlet was written by Newman 
called Elucidations of Dr. Hampden s Theolog- 
ical Statements^ and said to have been drawn 
up in one night. One special point made was 
that according to Hampden there might be in- 
terpretations and inferences from Scripture, 
but no certain or authoritative one, none that 

warranted an organised Church. Hampden's 

11 * 



164 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

friends said that the Elucidations were merely 
garbled extracts and unfair, and that many- 
took their estimate of Hampden from those 
extracts, while the other side contended that 
they fairly represented the subject discussed. 
A great mass of literature, however, was issued 
on the question, and in the result the heads of 
houses, without stating Hampden's unsound 
doctrines, but to mark their distrust, brought 
in a proposal to deprive Hampden of his vote 
as professor in the choice of select preachers 
till the University should otherwise determine. 
This was defeated in Convocation by the veto 
of the two proctors, but when new proctors 
came into office the proposal was introduced 
again, and carried in May, 1837, by 474 to 
94. This seems a petty exhibition of impo- 
tent rage and had no real effect, and in the 
end after some futile attempts to rescind the 
vote the agitation on this question gradually 
died down. Passions, however, had risen high 
during the discussions, and were not confined 
merely to Hampden's alleged unsoundness but 
also extended to the tendencies of the Trac- 
tarian Movement, and members of the Evan- 
gelical party, who in 1837 joined in the pro- 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 165 

test against Hampden's appointment, avowed 
their desire that the next time they were 
brought up to Oxford to give a vote it might 
be in order to put down the Popery of the 
Movement.^ The suspicions of the Tract 
writers and their friends had been gathering 
head for some time, and were also given ex- 
pression to in a violent article in the Edin- 
burgh Review (April, 1836) by Dr. Arnold, 
on what he called the '' Oxford Malignants ". 
In 1836 Dr. Pusey projected a great work, a 
series of translations and also editions of the 
Fathers which was announced as a ''Library 
of Fathers of the Holy Catholic Church An- 
terior to the Division of the East and West,'' 
under the editorship of Pusey, Keble and 
Newman. Pusey always took a great interest 
in this work, and it became the main task of 
Charles Marriott's life. It had a fair circu- 
lation, and a considerable number of bishops 
were among its subscribers. 

7. Rome had never forgotten or become re- 
conciled to the loss of England at the Refor- 
mation, and had not lost hope that at some 
time she would return to the one fold, the 

^Apologiay p. 63. 



166 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Church of Rome, and therefore remained an 
interested spectator of the events passing in 
the English Church, and judging that a 
psychological moment had arrived. Dr. Wise- 
man, who had returned to England by 1836, 
delivered in London lectures on the doctrines 
of Catholicism, the first effect of which was to 
create an impression through the country which 
was shared in by the Tract writers and their 
friends, that they had for their opponents in 
controversy, not only their brethren, but their 
hereditary foes.^ Newman, not content merely 
with his writings and sermons, had for some 
years in Advent and after Easter delivered 
lectures on some theological subject in Adam 
de Brome's Chapel, an appendage to St. Mary's 
on the north side, and these lectures after- 
wards became the volume on The Prophetical 
Office of the Church Viewed Relatively to Ro- 
manism and Popular Protestantism, the volume 
on Justification, and the lectures on Anti- 
christ and on Rationalism and the Canon of 
Scripture, which afterwards became Nos. 83 
and 85 of the Tracts. The force, breadth of 
view and grasp of subject which marked these 

1 Apologia^ p. 64, 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1839 167 

lectures caused them to be listened to with 
great interest, and when collected into volumes 
their influence was powerful and wide. Dr. 
Wiseman's lectures and the views taken of 
them led to the publication of The Prophetical 
Office of the Church, It had employed Newman 
for three years, from the beginning of 1834 to 
the end of 1836, and was composed after a 
consideration and comparison of the principal 
divines of the seventeenth century. It was 
recast twice, and lastly, after considerable re- 
trenchments and additions, was rewritten for 
publication and published in March, 1837. It 
attempted to trace out the rudimental lines on 
which Christian faith and teaching proceed and 
to use them as means of determining the re- 
lation of the Roman and Anglican systems to 
each other. It insisted on points of agreement 
as well as of difference, but its main scope was 
an attempt at commencing a system of theo- 
logy on the Anglican idea and based on Angli- 
can authorities. It aimed at a consolidation of 
their judgments. What Newman wished was 
to build up an Anglican theology out of the 
stores which already lay cut and hewn upon 
the ground, the past toil of great divines, 



168 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

though this could not be the work of one 
man. And he also desh^ed to find a basis in 
reason for his belief and to avow that basis. 
He says in the introduction : '' What we need 
at present for our Church's well-being is not in- 
vention nor originality nor sagacity nor even 
learning in our divines, at least in the first 
place . . . but we need peculiarly a sound 
judgment, patient thought, discrimination, a 
comprehensive mind, and abstinence from all 
private fancies and caprices and personal 
tastes — in a word, Divine Wisdom ". The sub- 
ject of the volume was, in fact, the famous 
doctrine of the Via Media, a receding from ex- 
tremes, but still with a definite shape and char- 
acter. The obvious objection to it was that it 
was not objective and real ; it was merely a 
paper religion, and not a real religion like Pro- 
testantism or Popery. It, however, implied no 
doubt of, but on the contrary assumed, the 
three fundamental points above mentioned, 
namely, dogma, the sacramental system and 
anti-Romanism. The object, therefore, of those 
who accepted the doctrine of the Via Media 
was to make it a living Church in a posi- 
tion proper to itself and founded on distinct 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 183& 16S 

principles, and a number of works originated 
in this object. The essay on Justification, writ- 
ten in 1837 and published in March, 1838, 
was aimed at the Lutheran dictum that justifi- 
cation by faith only was the cardinal doctrine of 
Christianity. In the preface he speaks of sug- 
gestions towards the consolidation of a theo- 
logical system built on those formularies to 
which all clergymen are bound, and implies that 
the dissertation was a tentative inquiry. In 
his University Sermons there is a series of dis- 
cussions on the subject of Faith and Eeason, 
being the commencement of an inquiry into the 
ultimate basis of religious faith prior to the 
distinction into creeds. In like manner New- 
man published in 1838 a pamphlet on the Eeal 
Presence, designed to place the doctrine on 
an intellectual basis by denying the existence 
of space except as a subjective idea of our 
minds, and there was a stream of articles in 
the British Critic written directly or indirectly 
with the same object. In 1838 the Rev. W. 
Palmer published his treatise on the Church of 
Christ which was begun under the circum- 
stances which induced Newman to re-write his 
Prophetical Office of the Church, and was a 



170 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

work highly spoken of by Newman and all 
persons acquainted with its subject, but which 
from its dry learned scientific treatment failed 
to catch the attention of persons accustomed to 
the spice and flavour of the writings of the 
Tract writers and their friends, and was some 
time before it obtained the recognition it de- 
served, and, in fact, was in the nature of a 
theological treatise or text-book. 

Towards the end of 1838 a proposal was 
made, and was zealously pushed forward by 
Mr. Golightly and other opponents of Trac- 
tarianism, to raise a subscription and erect a 
monument in Oxford to the martyrs of the 
Reformation — Cranmer, Ridley and Latimer. 
This was apparently an innocent and reason- 
able proposal, and some members of the 
party gave in their adhesion to it, but it 
soon became obvious that it was also calcu- 
lated and intended to be, at any rate in- 
directly, a test question which would place, and 
did place, the Tractarian party in a difficulty, 
for recent investigations had shown that in 
their view the Reformers had been parties to 
many reprehensible acts and were untrust- 
worthy theologians. Although among other 



THE MOVEMENT, 1833 TO 1830 171 

things much was due to them for the respect 
shown to the essentials of Catholic truth and 
usage and much for what was beautiful and 
devotional in the Prayer-book, their own 
language was in the direction of Calvin and 
Zwinglius, and so there was a reaction among 
High Churchmen from the excessive veneration 
they had formerly enjoyed. Although, there- 
fore, Dr. Pusey was at first disposed to sub- 
scribe, Newman and his friends for the most 
part, as was expected and perhaps intended, 
held aloof, and so marked themselves as not 
loyal to the Reformation as understood by the 
promoters of the memorial. The subscription, 
however, was raised and the memorial erected, 
but they had no real effect upon the Tractarian 
Movement beyond the creation of a certain 
amount of prejudice, and they altogether failed 
as an effective protest against such Movement. 
It may, however, be said of Newman and of 
every one who adopted the doctrine of the Via 
Media, that at this time the language used by 
1 Hurrell Froude fairly described them, namely, 
^^we are Catholics without the Popery, and 
Church of Eii^land men without the Pro- 
testantism ".^ The doctrine of the Via Media, 
y- "^Bemains, vol. i., p. 404. 



m SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

however, involved very difficult questions. 
Had it any, and, if so, what solid basis? 
Why choose arbitrarily the divines of the 
seventeenth century as the foundation of the 
desired substantive living religion ? If, as 
Newman said, the work of building up an 
Anglican theology (that is, the work of investi- 
gation, harmonising and consolidation of the 
stores already existing) could not be the work 
of one man, who was to choose the men for the 
work ? Who was to decide in case they dif- 
fered, or if others criticised their conclusions ? 
Was it to be Pusey, or Keble, or Newman, or 
was there to be a Council of Oxford to define 
authoritatively the tenets and details of this 
doctrine ? To the plain outsider, the holders 
of the doctrine were like men sitting on a 
fence, and regard being had to their expressed 
views, there did not seem much doubt on 
which side they would ultimately jump off. 

THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845. 

1. Newman himself considered that in the 
spring of 1839 his position in the Anglican 
Church was at its height, but notwithstanding 
the smoothness with which matters had pro- 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 173 

ceeded there were some premonitory signs of 
the storm which was shortly to burst. There 
was the Martyrs' Memorial just referred to. 
Men like Jas. B. Mozley, Mark Pattison and 
others, suspected of leanings even towards 
Puseyism, found the suspicions to be in their 
way when applying for Fellowships. The 
Bishop of Oxford in his charge in 1838 made 
some animadversions on the Tracts for the 
Times, in consequence of which Newman offered 
to withdraw those over which he had control if 
he were informed which were those to which 
the bishop had objections, but the bishop did 
not think it necessary to proceed to such a 
measure. There was also to be reckoned with 
the growing sullen displeasure of men whose 
settled beliefs were being attacked when the 
attack was passing from the academic to the 
practical stage. The publication of Hurrell 
Fronde's Remains, the first part of which had 
appeared early in 1838 and the later part in 
1839, added largely to the uneasiness and 
alarm which were being generally felt by mod- 
erate men. Their general character is stated 
above in the sketch of Hurrell Fronde, but 
by degrees men began to realise the mean- 



174 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

ing and effect of the fact that they avowedly 
condemned the Reformation, and its condemna- 
tion was acquiesced in and adopted by the two 
editors, Newman and Keble, in their preface to 
the second part of the Remains, the theory of 
the Via Media not dealing directly with the 
Reformation. The general feeling created by 
them was alarm at the attack on the Reforma- 
tion, and disgust at the morbidity and un- 
wholesomeness of the self-revelations they 
contained. The equilibrium of the Via Media 
party was disturbed by the adhesion of a 
number of able young men who had not gone 
through the investigations, discussions and 
struggles of the previous six years, who were 
comparatively free from the lingering con- 
servatism of the older members, and in fact 
began at the stage those older members had 
so painfully arrived at, and whose more daring 
logic and speculation are said to have forced 
the pace. The foremost of these was Mr. 
William George Ward, sometime Fellow and 
Mathematical Lecturer at Balliol. He was a 
man of immense ability, acuteness and energy, 
but his tastes were mathematical rather than 
classical. He had no historical sense or attain- 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 175 

ments, but he had a gift for taking premises 
and working them out to their ultimate logical 
conclusions. He had a certain taste for the- 
ology, was given to society, and without being 
coarse or profane he was jovial and fond of 
music, inclining occasionally rather to the buffo 
style, but extremely popular with all classes. 
He was ordained deacon as an Arnoldian, 
and priest as a Newmanite, and signed the 
Articles in a different sense on each occasion. 
The other prominent men of his school were 
Oakeley, Faber, Dalgairns, and others of the 
same kind. " While Newman passed from the 
study of antiquity to the conception of a 
United Universal Church, and from that con- 
ception to a reluctant doubt of the lawfulness 
of separation from Rome, Ward by an exactly 
opposite process passed from admiration for 
the Roman Church to the conception of the 
necessity of Union with the Church Universal, 
and hence to a doubt, suggested by the fact 
that the Anglican Church had once enjoyed 
such communion, as to whether it might not 
still have it potentially. The link in the past 
which drove Newman towards Rome in spite 
of his love of England kept Mr. Ward in the 



176 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

English Church in spite of the attractions of 
Rome."^ From 1839 Ward and his friends 
practically repeated to Newman and his friends 
their treatment of W. Palmer and his more 
moderate party. It would be hopeless and 
unnecessary to attempt to give anything like 
a detailed account of the war of essays and 
articles which raged round this new develop- 
ment, but some writings must be referred to. 

2. About February, 1839, Pusey put forward 
in the shape of ^' A Letter to the Bishop of 
Oxford " a defence of Tractarianism from the 
charge of holding corrupt and dangerous princi- 
ples approximating to Romanism. It adhered 
anew to the Apostolicity of the Christian Epis- 
copate and Ministry in England, and fully re- 
cognised the bishop's authority as a succes- 
sor of the Apostles. He also vindicated the 
authority of the Scripture and of the Church, 
maintaining the orthodox view of the weight of 
universal tradition. He also dealt with the doc- 
trine of justification, the Sacraments, prayers 
for the dead, invocation of saints and other 
teaching of the Tractarians, and on the whole 

iWard, pp. 137,141. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 177 

the Letter was considered to have strength- 
ened the Tractarian cause. 

In April, 1839, Newman had an article in 
the British Critic entitled '^ The State of 
Religious Parties," which Newman says ^ best 
describes his state of mind at the early part of 
1839. It reviews the actual state of things 
and looks towards the future. After citing 
evidence from opponents as to the success of 
the Movement, including a bishop's charge 
that '^ under the specious pretence of deference 
to antiquity and respect for primitive models 
the foundations of the Protestant Church are 
undermined by men who dwell within her 
walls, and those who sit in the Reformers' 
seat are traducing the Reformation," the 
article proceeds to account for it as a reaction 
from the dry and superficial character of the 
religious teaching and the literature of the 
last generation or century, as a result of the 
need for a deeper philosophy and as the evi- 
dence and partial fulfilment of that need. It 
was absurd to refer it to the act of two or 
three individuals. It was " a spirit afloat ". 

1 Apologia, p. 94. 
12 



178 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

^^ It was an adversary in the air, a something 
one and entire, a whole wherever it is, un- 
approachable and incapable of being grasped, 
as being the result of causes far deeper than 
political or other visible agencies, the spiritual 
awakening of spiritual wants." And after re- 
ferring to the variety of the antecedents of its 
chief preachers, he admitted that some of the 
disciples of the Movement needed to be kept 
in order. He then passed on to the subject 
of antiquity, the basis of the doctrine of the 
Via Media, and, lastly, the author proceeded 
to the question of the future of the Anglican 
Church which was to be a new birth of 
the Ancient Religion. Liberalism, he said, 
merely occupied the ground between contend- 
ing powers, Catholic Truth and Rationalism. 
Then indeed would be the stern encounter 
when two real and living principles, simple 
and entire and consistent, one in the Church 
the other out of it, at length rush upon 
each other, contending not for names and 
words or half views, but for elementary notions 
and distinctive moral characters. This state 
of things could not last, men would take one 
view or another, but it would be a consistent 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 179 

view, Liberalism or Erastianism, or Popery, or 
Catholicity, but it would be real, and concluded 
by saying that all who did not wish to be 
democratic or pantheistic or popish must look 
out for some Via Medial Many years after 
Newman describes this article as the last 
words which he ever spoke as an Anglican to 
Anglicans. Taken literally, this is not quite 
accurate, but qualified as the last words spoken 
by him as an undoubting Anglican, it is prob- 
ably quite accurate, and interesting accord- 
ingly. The article had brought matters to a 
clear issue. The parties were the Anglican 
Via Media on the one side, and the Popular Re- 
ligion of Rome on the other. The issue was, 
the Anglican stood on antiquity or Apostolicity, 
the Roman on Catholicity. ''The Anglican 
said to the Roman there is but one faith, the 
ancient, and you have not kept it ; the Roman 
retorted there is but one Church, the Catholic, 
and you are out of it. The cause lay thus, 
Apostolicity v. Catholicity."^ 

3. About the middle of June, 1839, New- 
man began to study and master the history 

1 Apologia, p. 103. 2 jj^^,^ p^ 106. 
12* 



180 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

of the Monophysites and was absorbed in the 
doctrinal question/ It was in the course of 
this reading that a doubt came upon him of 
the tenableness of Angelicanism, and by the 
end of August he was seriously alarmed. 
Newman says : ^' Here in the middle of the 
fifth century I found as it seemed to me 
Christendom of the sixteenth and nineteenth 
centuries reflected. I saw my face in that 
mirror, and I was a Monophysite. The 
Church of the Via Media was in the position 
of the Oriental Communion, Rome was where 
she now is, and the Protestants were the 
Eutychians." ^ In the DuUin Review for 
August, 1839, there was an article by Dr. 
Wiseman on the ''Anglican Claim". It was 
on the Donatists with an application to 
Anglicanism, but a friend in September called 
Newman's attention to the words of St. 
Augustine which had escaped him at first, 

i**The Monophysite heresy, originated by Eutychus, 
an Oriental theologian, asserted that Christ had only 
one nature, and that His Divine and human natures 
were so united as to form only one nature, yet without 
any change, confusion or mixture of the two natures " 
(Hook's Church Dictionary, fifteenth edition, p. 509). 

'^Apologia, p. 114. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 181 

'^Securus judicat orbis terrarum," and re- 
peated them again and again, and after he 
had gone they kept ringing in his ears, 
^'Securus judicat orbis terrarum" — the de- 
liberate judgment in which the whole Church 
at length rests and acquiesces is an infal- 
lible prescription and a final sentence against 
such portions of it as protest and secede. 
Newman had seen a ghost. He mentioned 
his state of mind to two friends — one of 
them Mr. Henry Wilberforce, who felt the 
shock severely, but the doubt was not gen- 
erally known, and Newman by degrees be- 
gan to grow calm and the vivid impression 
on his imagination faded away, but he could 
no longer speak with the same clearness and 
confidence as before respecting the validity 
of the Anglican position, and never settled 
down again exactly into his old position. 
He no longer maintained the Via Media or 
attacked Rome as schismatical. His new 
position was, Rome is the Church, and we 
are the Church ; and we need not inquire 
which of the two has deflected most from 
the Apostolic Standard.^ This was the view 

iWard, p. 145, 



182 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

he put forward in the article on ''The 
Catholicity of the English Church," which 
appeared in January, 1840, and was the first 
result of his restored tranquillity of mind. 
But he had never really got over the effect 
of Dr. Wiseman's article on the Donatists, 
and began to prepare for a move from Oxford, 
from St. Mary's and his Fellowship. He 
bought about ten acres of land at Littlemore 
and began to plant, and asked his brother-in- 
law, Rev. T. Mozley, for plans, intending to 
build and establish a kind of monastic es- 
tablishment connected with the University^ 
Littlemore was a part of St. Mary's Parish, 
about two or three miles from Oxford. New- 
man had built a church there some years 
before, and went there in Lent, 1840, and gave 
himself up to teaching in the parish school 
and practising the choir. 

4. Newman was in a very difficult position 
now. The younger men carried out their con- 
clusions to their utmost limits and defended 
them by ascribing them to Newman, but when 
challenged with a request for a reference in 
his writings they could only reply that he 
had said so and so, and that what they alleged 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 183 

was implicitly contained in what he had 
already said. On the other hand, even at a 
later date, when asked by Pusey whether he 
agreed with some proposition of Ward, he 
could only reply, '' I do not know the limits 
of my own belief " (Letter, Newman to Pusey 
in October, 1842). On the other hand, New- 
man had led a multitude of younger men to f 
a considerable distance in the direction of ^ 
Rome, and he was expected to keep them 
from going the whole distance and joining 
that Church. The actual cause of his dealing 
with the Articles in the beginning of 1841, 
was the restlessness of those who neither 
liked the Via Media nor his strong judgment;^ 
against Rome. Their tangible difficulty was 
subscription to the Articles. Newman says : 
'' It was thrown in our teeth : How can 
you manage to sign the Articles? They are 
directly against Rome. Against Rome ? I 
made answer, what do you mean by Rome? 
and then I proceeded to make distinctions."^ 
He says that by Roman doctrine might be 
meant one of three things : (1) The Catholic 
teaching of the early centuries ; or (2) the 

^ Apologia, p. 78. 



184 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

formal dogmas of Rome as contained in the 
later Councils, especially the Council of Trent, 
and as condensed in the Creed of Pope Pius 
IV. ; or (3) the actual popular beliefs and 
usages sanctioned by Rome in countries in 
communion with it over and above the dog- 
mas, and these he called '' dominant errors ". 
Newman alleged that Protestants commonly 
thought that in all three senses ''Roman 
Doctrine " was condemned in the Articles, but 
Newman thought that though Catholic teach- 
ing was not condemned the dominant errors 
were, and as to the formal dogmas, that some 
were and some were not, and that the line 
had to be drawn between them. Each creed 
was obscured and misrepresented by a cir- 
cumambient ''Popery" and "Protestantism". 
The main thesis of his essay was therefore 
this : The Articles do not oppose Catholic 
teaching, they but partially oppose Roman 
dogma, they for the most part oppose the 
dominant errors of Rome, and the problem 
was to draw the line as to what they allowed 
and what they condemned. The Articles he 
considered were elastic, and he wanted to 
ascertain what was the limit of that elasticity 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 185 

in the direction of Roman dogma — and what 
a man subscribing might hold rather than 
what he must. 

5. The result of this investigation was the 
celebrated Tract 90 of the Tracts for the TimeSy 
entitled, ''Eemarks on Certain Passages in 
the Thirty-nine Articles," and published in 
February, 1841. It was intended to establish 
the thesis above stated, and therefore to show 
that the Thirty-nine Articles were not hope- 
lessly irreconcilable with the Catholic teaching 
the Tract writers had defended on the authority 
of the great Anglican divines, although this 
was alleged by some advanced Tractarians 
as well as by their opponents. This could 
only be done by a strict examination of the 
language of the Articles themselves ; when it 
was objected that the ideas of the framers of 
the Articles were well known, and that the 
object was to place an insuperable barrier 
between the English Church and everything 
Romish, the answer was that the Articles 
were legal documents and were to be inter- 
preted according to the strict meaning of 
words, and not by the opinions of the framers 
or promulgators, either as theologians or ec- 



186 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

clesiastical politicians, that they were in fact 
intended to be comprehensive and not such 
as to drive away extreme men of either view 
in the Church. The principle was compromise, 
and was visible not only in the Articles but 
also in the Sacramental offices of the Prayer- 
book, which left so much out to satisfy the 
Protestants and left so much in to satisfy 
the Catholics. The Tract went therefore 
through the Articles which were looked on 
as either Anti-Catholic or Anti-Roman. It 
went through them with a dry logical way of 
interpretation such as a professed theologian 
might use, and as they would be examined 
and construed by a purely legal court. He 
argued that they could not have been intended 
to contradict the Canons of the Council of 
Trent, as was popularly supposed, because they 
had been composed several years before those 
Canons were published or the Council itself 
completed, that they were directed not against 
Catholic doctrines but against the popular 
abuses of those doctrines. They condemned 
''Masses," but they did not condemn ^^the 
Mass ". They condemned the Romish doctrine 
of Purgatory, but the Romish was not the 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 187 

Greek, and there might be many others. Some 
of the interpretations seemed far fetched and 
artificial/ The whole Tract seemed to the 
ordinary plain mind too subtle and too clever, 
and from that it was only a step to describe 
such a treatise, explaining away what had been 
believed to be a sure test, as dishonest and 
immoral. 

6. Tract 90 at once became the sensation of 
the day. Mr. James Mozley in a letter to his 
sister dated the 8th March, 1841, says : " A new 
Tract has come out this week and is beginning 
to make a sensation. It is on the Articles 
and shows that they bear a highly Catholic 
meaning, and that many doctrines of which 
the E/Omanist are corruptions may be held 
consistently with them. This is no more than 
what we know as a matter of history, for the 
Articles were expressly worded to bring in 
Roman Catholics. But people are astonished 
and confused at the idea now, as if it were 
quite new. And they have been so accustomed 
for a long time to look at the Articles as on a 
par with the Creed, that they think, I suppose, 

1 Church, pp. 284-87. Froude, Short Studies^ fourth 
series, pp. 214, 215, 



188 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

that if they subscribe to them they are bound 
to hold whatever doctrines (not positively 
stated in them) are not merely condemned. 
So if they will have a Tractarian sense they 
are thereby all Tractarians. It is of course 
highly complimentary to the whole set of us 
to be so very much surprised that we should 
think what we held to be consistent with the 
Articles which we have subscribed." 

On the same day, the 8th March, 1841, four 
senior tutors, Mr. Tait, Mr. Churton, Mr. 
Wilson and Mr. Griffiths, protested against 
the teaching of the Tract. They indicated 
five heads of doctrine : (1) Purgatory, (2) 
Pardons, (3) Worshipping and adoration of 
images and relics, (4) Invocation of Saints, and 
(5) the Mass, and in view of the tendency of 
the teaching as mitigating the differences be- 
tween England and Eome, and as breaking 
down the guarantee which subscription was 
supposed to afford, that Eoman doctrine should 
not be preached by Anglican Ministers, and 
requested that the writer's name should be 
made known, so that some person besides the 
printer and the publisher should acknowledge 
himself responsible. On the 15th March, 1841, 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 189 

a week later, at a meeting of the Vice-Chancel- 
lor, heads of houses and proctors which refused 
to wait for Newman's defence, although known 
to be coming, and in fact dated 13th March, 
1841, a resolution was carried with respect to 
Tract 90 : '' That modes of interpretation such 
as are suggested in the said Tract, evading 
rather than explaining the sense of the Thirty- 
nine Articles and reconciling subscription to 
them with the adoption of errors which they 
were designed to counteract, defeat the object 
and are inconsistent with the due observance 
of the above-mentioned Statutes," i.e., the 
statutes of the University, that every student 
should be instructed and examined in the 
Thirty-nine Articles and should subscribe to 
them. Newman wrote the following day to 
the Vice-Chancellor acknowledging the au- 
thorship, and immediately afterwards pub- 
lished a letter to Dr. Jelf in explanation of 
the Tract, especially with reference to the 
criticisms in the Four Tutors' Protest. The 
conclusion was : " The Tract is grounded on the 
belief that the Articles need not be so closed 
as the received method of teaching closes them, 
and ought not to be for the sake of many persons. 



190 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

If we will close them we run the risk of sub- 
jecting persons whom we should least like to 
lose to the temptation of joining the Church 
of Rome." It is now generally considered 
that the conduct of the authorities was violent 
and ignorant, but with the exception of Dr. 
Routh none of them were men of learning or 
distinction, and they were strongly prejudiced 
against and full of fear of Rome. The Bishop 
of Oxford, however, informed Newman that 
in his view the Tract was objectionable and 
might tend to disturb the peace and tranquil- 
lity of the Church, and advised that the Tracts 
for the Times should be discontinued. New- 
man at once wrote to the bishop (29th March, 
1841) expressing his willingness to comply, 
and giving up his place in the Movement, but 
vindicating the Tracts generally, and Tract 90 
particularly, from the charges made against 
them. The great point was that the Tracts 
were not suppressed. Number 90 was neither 
suppressed nor withdrawn ; on the contrary, 
on the 29th March, 1841, the date of the letter 
to the bishop, a second edition appeared with 
additions and qualifications to meet objections 
made to it in its original form. Newman 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 191 

in a letter dated 9th May, 1841, says : '^The 
bishops are very desirous of hushing the 
matter up, and I certainly have done my ut- 
most to co-operate with them on the under- 
standing that the Tract is not to be withdrawn 
or condemned ".^ Newman had forgotten the 
warning he had received some thirteen years 
before against '' understandings " ^ {'' I greatly 
dislike the word ^understanding/ which is 
always misunderstood''),^ There followed of 
course a violent war of pamphlets between 
the supporters and opponents of the Tract, in 
which Mr. Ward took a very prominent part, but 
which it is not necessary here further to refer 
to. Feelings ran so high that in June, 1841, 
Mr. Ward felt it proper to resign his mathe- 
matical and logical lectureships in the College. 
7. In the summer of 1841 Newman was at 
Littlemore without any harass or anxiety on 
his mind — he had determined to put aside all 
controversy and set himself down to a trans- 
lation of St. Athanasius — but between July 
and November he received three blows which 
he says '' broke him ".^ (1) In the Arian 

1 Apologia, p. 138. ^ m^^^ p^ go. 

^Ibid.,^. 388. ^Ibid.,^, 139. 



192 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

History he found the very same phenomenon 
as in the Monophysite, though he had not ob- 
served it in 1832. He saw that in the history 
of Arianism the pure Arians were the Protes- 
tants, the semi-Arians were the Anglicans, 
and that Rome now was what it was then. 
The truth lay not with the Via Media but 
with what was called 'Hhe extreme party". 
(2) The bishops one after another began to 
charge against him. It was a formal deter- 
minate movement. (3) There came the matter 
of the Anglo-Prussian bishopric at Jerusalem. 
The plan was to have a Protestant Bishop of 
Jerusalem, nominated alternately by England 
and Prussia, consecrated by English bishops 
and exercising jurisdiction over English and 
German Protestants in Palestine. This was 
in effect a contradiction of the Tractarian 
argument for the Catholicity of the English 
Church, since it involved close communion 
with Lutherans and Calvinists, and Newman 
protested strongly against the proposal. The 
protest, dated the 11th November^ 1841, pur- 
ported to be by Newman as a priest of the 
English Church and Vicar of St. Mary the 
Virgin's, Oxford, and its foundations were : 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 193 

(1) that the Church of England had a claim 
on the allegiance of Catholic believers only on 
the ground of her own claim to be considered 
a branch of the Catholic Church ; (2) that 
the measure implied some sort of recognition 
of the doctrines of Lutheranism and Calvinism 
which were heresies ; and (3) that the dioceses 
in England were connected together by so 
close an intercommunion that what was done 
by authority in one immediately affects the 
rest. The protest was of course disregarded 
and the project carried into effect. The Jeru- 
salem bishopric was the ultimate condemna- 
tion of the old theory of the Via Media; its 
establishment demolished the sacredness of 
diocesan rights. If England could be in 
Palestine, Rome could be in England. But 
from the end of 1841 Newman says : ''I was 
on my death-bed as regards my membership 
with the Anglican Church, though at the time 
I became aware of it only by degrees ".^ New- 
man had for some time been pressed with the 
difficulty of his position as a beneficed clergy- 
man of the Anglican Church, and as early as 

^ Apologia, p. 147. 
13 



V 



194 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

October, 1840, had consulted Keble about his 
resignation of St. Mary's, contemplating a re- 
tirement in the first instance to Littlemore. 
Keble, however, was in favour of his retaining 
the living, at any rate, for the present. The 
inference from retirement would be that New- 
man could no longer go on except in mere lay 
communion with the Anglican Church. There 
was also the practical difficulty that retirement 
from St. Mary's involved retirement from 
Littlemore, and so the matter was allowed 
to go on temporarily, but from this time 
Newman had a curate at St. Mary's who 
gradually took more and more of the work. 
In the same year Newman made arrange- 
ments for giving up the British Critic in the 
following July, which were then carried into 
effect. Towards the end of 1841 Newman 
began to write ^^ shakily," and in December 
preached his four sermons at St. Mary's on 
Wisdom and Innocence and began to con- 
template eventualities more definitely ; but a 
question was arising which though not directly 
theological, yet had great influence in marshal- 
ling parties and consolidating animosities. 
8. In October, 1841, Keble gave his last 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 195 

lecture as Professor of Poetry, and a contest 
arose as to the appointment of his successor. 
The two candidates were Mr. Isaac Williams 
and Mr. (afterwards Archdeacon) Garbett. 
Apart from theological bias, there seems to be 
little doubt that Mr. Isaac Williams, who was 
a poet rather of the Keble school and a man 
of scholarly and refined tastes, would have 
been a most proper and worthy successor, 
although his competitor, Mr. Garbett, was 
also an accomplished man of high culture 
and considerable reputation for acquaintance 
with general literature, though he had given 
no public evidence of his claims to such an 
office. Some of Mr. Williams' friends injudici- 
ously asked for support for him on the ground 
that his religious views would ensure his 
making the office minister to religious truth. 
The other side at once took advantage of this 
slip, and so the question became almost en- 
tirely theological. The innocent and ignorant 
electors who had been puzzled by such publi- 
cations as Keble's tract on the Mysticism of 
the Fathers in the Use and Interpretation of 
Scripture, and Williams' own tract On Re- 
serve in Communicating Religious Knowledge^ 

13* 



196 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

however sound their doctrine may have been, 
could not rid their minds of the idea that 
they had a Jesuitical character calculated 
to Romanise the Anglican Church, and there- 
fore to be put down. The result of the 
whole discussion was that when the Univer- 
sity met in January, 1842, the contest was 
settled. A comparison of votes gave a ma- 
jority of 921 to 623, or about 3 to 2, to Mr. 
Garbett, and Mr. Williams withdrew, but it 
was a distinct defeat to the Tractarians as a 
party and encouraged their opponents accord- 
ingly. It was of course only a more formal 
and public manifestation of the feeling above 
referred to, which prejudiced men suspected 
of Tractarianism or Tractarian leanings in 
their applications for Fellowships and other 
appointments. Newman himself as preacher 
at St. Mary's had suffered from the same 
dislike. It was said that some heads of 
houses had altered their dinner hour in Hall 
so as to make it difficult for men to attend 
the services and listen to his sermons. In 
his letter to Keble of October, 1840, about 
giving up St. Mary's, Newman says the au- 
thorities of the University '' have shown a dis- 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 107 

like of my preaching — one dissuades men from 
coming ; the late Vice-Chancellor threatens to 
take his own children away from the church, 
and the present having an opportunity last 
spring of preaching in my parish pulpit gets 
up and preaches against doctrine with which 
I am in good measure identified," and so on. 
But now, after Tract 90, Newman was a 
person not merely disliked, but one who 
required to be '' watched " and to be kept 
under *^ observation". He was pursued to 
Littlemore. What was he doing there ? He 
was a sly insidious person and could be after 
no good. Newman complains that one day 
when he entered his house he found a flight 
of undergraduates inside, that heads of houses 
as mounted patrols walked their horses round 
his poor cottages, and that doctors of divinity 
dived into the hidden recesses of that private 
tenement uninvited and drew domestic conclu- 
sions from what they saw there. The matter 
came before the bishop, and on the 12th April, 
1842, he wrote to Newman a very considerate 
letter, in which among other things he says : 
^' In " — a newspaper — " however, of April 9th 
there appears a paragraph in which it is as- 



198 SHOKT HISTORY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

serted as a matter of notoriety that a so-called 
Anglo-Catholic Monastery is in process of erec- 
tion at Littlemore, and that the cells of dormi- 
tories, the chapel, the refectory, the cloisters 
all may be seen advancing to perfection under 
the eye of a parish priest of the diocese of Ox- 
ford," and giving an opportunity for explana- 
tion as to the alleged revival of monastic orders 
without previous communication with him, so 
that he might be able to contradict, what if 
uncontradicted would appear to imply a glar- 
ing invasion of ecclesiastical discipline on New- 
man's part, or neglect and indifference to his 
duties on the bishop's part. Newman replied 
on the 14th April, 1842, and after reminding 
the bishop that a year ago he submitted en- 
tirely to the bishop's authority, stopped the 
series of Tracts and withdrew from all public 
discussion of Church matters of the day, he 
says that he had turned to the preparation for 
the press of his translation of St. Athanasius 
and intended to employ himself in the like 
theological studies, and in the concerns of his 
own parish and in practical works, that with 
a view to personal improvement he had for 
many years, at least thirteen, wished to give 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 199 

himself to a life of greater religious regularity 
than he had hitherto led, and that he had been 
thinking of himself alone and not aiming at 
any ecclesiastical or external effects, but that 
it would be a great comfort to him to know 
that God had put it into the hearts of others 
to pursue their personal edification in the 
same way, and unnatural not to wish to have 
the benefit of their presence and encourage- 
ment . . . that he proposed to live there him- 
self a good deal as he had a resident curate at 
Oxford, that the population at Littlemore was 
at least equal to that of St. Mary's in Oxford, 
and the whole of Littlemore was double of it, 
that it had been very much neglected, and in 
providing a parsonage house at Littlemore as 
that would be, and would be called, he con- 
ceived that he was doing a very great benefit 
to his people, and that a partial or temporary 
retirement from St. Mary's Church might be 
then expedient, and he then proceeds : '^ As to 
the quotation from the " — newspaper — " which 
I have not seen, your Lordship will perceive 
from what I have said that no ' monastery is 
in process of erection,' there is no ' chapel/ no 
' refectory,' hardly a dining-room or parlour. 



200 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

The cloisters are my shed connecting the 
cottages. I do not understand what ' cells of 
dormitories ' means. Of course I can repeat 
your Lordship's words that ' I am not attempt- 
ing a revival of the Monastic orders in any- 
thing approaching the Roman sense of the 
term/ or ^ taking on myself to originate any 
measure of importance without authority from 
the heads of the Church'. I am attempting 
nothing ecclesiastical, but something personal 
and private." It is perhaps not an unfair 
criticism of this letter to say that it does not 
err on the side of excessive candour, but it is 
fair to remember that it was written under 
an obvious feeling of irritation at being hunted 
down and misrepresented, and therefore he 
answered argumentatively and so to say '' by 
the card ". He gave a fuller explanation in 
the Apology, page 177: ''As I made Little- 
more a place of retirement for myself, so did I 
offer it to others. There were young men in 
Oxford whose testimonials for orders had been 
refused by their Colleges ; there were young 
clergymen who had found themselves unable 
from conscience to go on with their duties and 
had thrown up their parochial engagements. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 201 

Such men were already going straight to Rome, 
and I interposed . . . from fidelity to my 
clerical engagements and from duty to my 
bishop and from the interest I was bound to 
take in them and from belief that they were 
premature or excited. Their friends besought 
me to quiet them if I could. Some of them 
came to live with me at Littlemore. They 
were laymen or in the place of laymen. I 
kept some of them back for several years 
from being received into the Catholic Church. 
Even when I had given up my living I was 
still bound by my duty to their parents or 
friends, and I did not forget still to do what 
I could for them. The immediate occasion 
for my resigning St. Mary's was the unex- 
pected conversion of one of them. After that 
I felt it was impossible to keep my post there, 
for I had been unable to keep my word with 
my bishop." And he sets out letters referring 
more or less to these men. 

The case of Mr. Sibthorp, a Fellow of Mag- 
dalen, who had a chapel at Ryde, but not con- 
nected with Littlemore, was an illustration 
of precipitateness against which Newman w^as 
guarding. He was received into the Church 



202 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

of Rome in the middle of October, 1841, in 
spite of Newman's friendly warning, and ap- 
parently after only a few days' consideration, 
but reverted in about two years, that is in 
October, 1843. Newman himself was natur- 
ally in a state of great difficulty, and it was 
in this period that his letter to Pusey above 
referred to was written. It is dated 16th 
October, 1842, and was in answer to Pusey 's 
inquiry whether he went entirely with Ward. 
He says : " As to my being entirely with Ward, 
I do not know the limits of my own opinions. 
If Ward says that this or that is a develop- 
ment from what I have said, I cannot say yes 
or no. It is plausible, it may be true. Of 
course the fact that the Roman Church has 
so developed and maintained adds great weight 
to the antecedent plausibility. I cannot assert 
that it is not true, but I cannot with that 
keen perception that some people have ap- 
propriate it. It is a nuisance to me to be 
forced beyond what I can fairly accept." 

9. Newman having considered it expedient 
to leave St. Mary's for the present, may well 
have considered it expedient that he should 
also leave Oxford, at any rate for a time, and 



THE MOVEMENT, 1830 TO 1845 203 

accordingly about the end of 1842 he went to 
Littlemore to live there exclusively. There 
was little left for him really to do except to 
settle his accounts with the Movement and 
the Church. He collected round him some 
younger friends and followers who lived in 
community a life of regular religious observ- 
ances. He had retired permanently from 
active leadership. He had resigned his place 
in the Movement, given up the contest to 
others, and his part in it had passed into the 
hands of others. For the rest of the time 
until just before he was received into the 
Catholic Church in October, 1845, he remained 
too uncertain either to maintain the Anglican 
position or to adopt the Roman. He was 
waiting for certitude ; though he had gradually 
come to the opinion that the Anglican Church 
was formally in the wrong and the Roman 
Church formally in the right, no valid reason 
could be assigned either for remaining in the 
Anglican or joining the Roman Church. In 
February, 1843, however, he made a formal 
retractation of strong language he had used 
against Rome. In the course of his writing 
as an Anglican he had said many hard things 



204 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

of the Church of Rome, and he now withdrew 
all these things. He had followed the con- 
sensus of the divines of the Anglican Church, 
who had ever used the strongest language 
against Rome, and he had thrown himself into 
their system and adopted their views and state- 
ments, whereas he now saw that he should have 
exercised less faith in them and more criticism. 
He could not have published the Tracts or 
other works professing to defend the Anglican 
Church without accompanying them with a 
strong protest or argument against Rome, but he 
now saw that the one obvious objection against 
the whole Anglican line was that it was Roman ; 
so he withdrew the expressions accordingly. 

The next event of notice was that on the 
24th May, 1843, Pusey preached his sermon 
on the Holy Eucharist as a comfort to the 
penitent. It was full of the fervid language 
of the Fathers, like the sermons of the high 
Anglican divines, but was strictly within 
Anglican limits. Dr. Faussett, the Margaret 
Professor of Divinity, however, delated it to 
the Vice-Chancellor, who commenced pro- 
ceedings. The Statutes provided that in such 
a case the Vice-Chancellor should demand 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 205 

a copy of the sermon, and summoning to him 
as assessors six doctors of divinity should 
examine the language complained of, and if 
necessary condemn and punish the preacher. 
A copy having been asked for, was sent by 
Pusey with a request that he might be heard. 
The Vice-Chancellor, however, appointed six 
doctors, one being the delator, who sat in place 
of the Regius Professor who was himself under 
the ban of a special statute. No answer was 
given to the request for a hearing, and after a 
private deliberation, the sentence came out that 
on the 2nd of June, 1843, Dr. Pusey had been 
accused and condemned for having taught doc- 
trine contrary to that of the Church of Eng- 
land, and that by the authority of the Vice- 
Chancellor he was suspended from preaching 
within the University for two years. This 
was an arbitrary act done in defiance of the 
most elementary rules of justice, and disgusted 
all reasonable and moderate men. 

In September, 1843, Newman preached his 
last sermon as an Anglican, and in the same 
month he resigned his living of St. Mary's, the 
immediate occasion being that an inmate of 
Littlemore had just conformed to the Church 



206 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

of Rome. The only remaining step for him to 
take was submission to the Church of Rome, 
but that did not take place for two full years. 
He says he could not do so earlier without 
doubt and apprehension, that is, with any true 
conviction of mind or certitude. He therefore 
remained in lay communion with the Church 
of England, taking no clerical duty, but attend- 
ing its services as usual and abstaining alto- 
gether from intercourse with Catholics, from 
their places of worship and from those religious 
rites and usages, such as the Invocation of 
Saints, which are characteristics of their creed. 
He could not go to Rome while he thought 
what he did of the devotions she sanctioned 
to the Blessed Virgin and the Saints. He did 
not give up his Fellowship, for he could not be 
sure that his doubts would not be reduced or 
overcome, however unlikely he might consider 
such an event. He says ^ it was made a sub- 
ject of reproach to him at the time and was at 
that day that he did not leave the Anglican 
Church sooner, and he seems astonished at the 
reproach. But it does seem to plain men a 
very curious thing that he should have re- 

1 Apologia, p. 185. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 207 

mained quiet for two years at Littlemore, hav- 
ing regard to the stage of opinion he had 
reached, to the acts he had done, and to the 
importance to his salvation according to his 
own view of joining the one true Church. The 
explanation probably is that although a brilliant 
controversialist, he was not equally great in 
arriving at a judgment, just as a great advo- 
cate often proves a feeble judge, because the 
power of drawing a definite and sound conclu- 
sion implies faculties of quite a different kind 
from the power of stating powerfully one side 
of a question or of criticising equally power- 
fully the other side. This seems to be the 
view taken by many capable men of Newman's 
powers, but allowance must be made for their 
theological bias. Thus Archbishop Tait, in a 
discussion at Addington in 1877, said Newman 
had a strange duality of mind, and that in all 
matters of belief he first acted on his emotions 
and then brought the subtlety of his reason to 
bear till he had ingeniously persuaded himself 
that he was logically right, and that the result 
was a condition in which he was practically 
unable to distinguish between truth and false- 
hood.^ 

1 Tait, Life, vol. i., p. 89. 



208 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Dr. James B. Mozley,^ in a letter dated the 
14th May, 1845, to the Rev. W. Scott, says : 
^^ It is actually to take place some time or 
other'' (that is, Newman's going over). ^' We 
must be prepared for it. What Newman says 
of himself is that he is borne along by an irre- 
sistible course of mind in the direction he is 
going — that he has withstood it and yet it will 
take him ... he cannot help the working of 
his own mind." 

The Rev. W. Palmer says : ^ '' He was always 
unable to determine intellectually where the 
truth lay, and he yielded at last to an im- 
aginary and enthusiastic impulse which he 
supposed to be celestial. But at this time 
no one knew what his real sentiments were 
or what he was meditating." Dr. E. A. 
Abbott^ sums up his view of the case by 
saying that Newman's going over was merely 
'' an act of volition ". 

10. From the time Newman abstained from 
taking any active share in the Movement, the 
extreme party came more prominently for- 
ward and asserted more uncompromisingly its 

^Letters, p. 168. ^paimer, p. 235. ^Life, p. 385. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 209 

Roman tendencies. Mr. Ward had succeeded 
Newman as the acknowledged leader of the 
Movement, and Dean Stanley says ^ that '* by 
his unrivalled powers of argument, by his 
transparent candour, by his uncompromising 
pursuit of the opinions he had adopted and by 
his loyal devotion to Dr. Newman himself, he 
was the most important element of the Oxford 
school at this crisis ". Ward had the support 
of Mr. Oakeley, and their writings, especially a 
series of articles in the British Critic, eventu- 
ally brought matters to a crisis. The question 
whether the Anglican Church was in any sense 
a branch of the Church Universal was answered 
more and more doubtfully, and it was openly 
denied to have any of the external notes of a 
Church. Next, the protest against Roman cor- 
ruptions grew gradually more feeble, Roman 
doctrine was more and more fully accepted, 
until in Mr. Ward's book, The Ideal of a Chris- 
tian Church, Rome was practically acknow- 
ledged as the divinely appointed guardian and 
teacher of religious truth. Finally, the old 
idea of working towards reunion and calling 

^Edinburgh Beview, April, 1881. Ward, p. 213. 
14 



210 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

for concessions on both sides disappeared, and 
the ultimate aim proposed for the English 
Church was not reunion with but submission 
to Rome.^ Rome attracted them because it 
had kept up the recognition of the super- 
natural element in religion by the offices of the 
Church and its administration of the Sacra- 
ments ; they loathed the doctrine of justifica- 
tion, and taught that careful and individual 
moral discipline was the only possible basis 
on which Christian faith and practice could 
be reared ; and they were affected by what 
they believed to be the paramount place given 
to Sanctity in the Roman theology and pro- 
fessed system. Mr. Ward postulated from 
the first what he afterwards developed in the 
Ideal, the existence at some time or other 
of a perfect Church in creed, communion, dis- 
cipline and life. He was much struck by the 
idea that while the Primitive Church might 
have been corrupted into the Roman, it could 
not have been into the Protestant Church. 
With respect to the Articles, he rejected the 
distinction between what was Catholic and 

1 Ward, pp. 211, 212. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 211 

what was Roman. As the controversy pro- 
ceeded he substituted Roman for Catholic, and 
absolutely identified Roman with Catholic. 
This of course was far beyond Tract 90 and 
the teaching of the early Tractarians, and the 
discontent of readers of the British Critic 
became so great that the paper was discon- 
tinued in October, 1843. Mr. W. Palmer 
having denounced the Romanising tendency of 
the articles in the British Critic, Mr. Ward be- 
gan a reply, intending merely a long pamphlet, 
but it grew into a large volume of 600 pages, 
The Ideal of a Christian Church Considered in 
Comparison with Existing Practice, Containing 
a Defence of Certain Articles in the British 
Critic in Reply to Revfiarks on Them in Mr, 
Palmer's Narrative. This was published in 
June, 1844. It incorporates the teaching above 
referred to, and, stated shortly, after starting 
with an '^ ideal " of what the Christian Church 
may be expected to be in its various relations 
to men, it assumes that the Roman Church, and 
only the Roman Church, satisfies the conditions 
of what a Church ought to be, and it argues 
in detail that the English Church, in spite of 

its professions, utterly and absolutely fails to 

14* 



212 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

fulfil them/ But the sting of the book was 
in the claim, ''we find the whole cycle of 
Roman doctrine gradually possessing numbers 
of English Churchmen. . . . Three years have 
passed since I saw plainly that in subscribing 
the Articles I renounce no Roman doctrine, 
yet I retain my Fellowship which I hold on 
the tenure of subscription and have received 
no ecclesiastical censure in any shape." ^ This 
was a plain challenge, and so when the Uni- 
versity met in October the Board of Heads of 
Houses took up the matter. A Committee 
examined the book, and in December, 1844, 
the Board announced that they proposed to 
submit to Convocation three measures : (1) To 
condemn Mr. Ward's book ; (2) to degrade him 
by depriving him of all his University Degrees ; 
and (3) whereas the existing statutes gave 
the Vice-Chancellor power of calling on any 
member of the University at any time to 
prove his orthodoxy by subscribing to the 
Articles, to add to this a declaration to be 
henceforth made by the subscriber that he 
took them in the sense in which ''they were 
both first published and were now imposed by 

1 Church, p. 371. 2 Sard's Ideal, pp. 565, 567. 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 213 

the University," with the penalty of expulsion 
against any one, lay or clerical, who thrice re- 
fused subscription with this declaration. A 
great cry arose that this third proposal was a 
new test, and it had to be abandoned or all 
would have been lost. The proposals were to 
come on on the 13th February, and the Vice- 
Chancellor on the 23rd January, in giving 
notice of it, announced that the third proposal 
was withdrawn. A circular, however, which 
obtained 400 or 500 signatures, asked the 
Board to propose on the 13th February a 
formal censure of the principles of Tract 90. 
When Convocation met, the book {The Ideal) 
was condemned by 777 to 386 votes, the de- 
privation by 569 to 511, but when the Vice- 
Chancellor put the third it was vetoed by the 
two proctors, and so Newman escaped formal 
censure, and it was not attempted to be revived 
after the expiration of the proctors' year of 
office. There was an element almost of farce, 
and somewhat in keeping with Mr. Ward's 
character, connected with what to Churchmen 
was a really trying time. In the winter of 
1844 Mr. Ward became engaged to be married, 
but it was considered advisable that the en- 



214 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

gagement should not be made publicly known 
till after the 13th February, and it came to 
the knowledge of his friends, to their great 
astonishment and amusement, soon after the 
proceedings. It was considered that the public 
would not be disposed to take a fair view of 
the subject, and the broad fact that the English 
clergyman who advocated clerical celibacy was 
himself about to marry, would have been an 
effective weapon in the hands of his opponents. 
The marriage took place on 31st March, 1845, 
and in September, 1845, Mr. and Mrs. Ward 
were received into the Koman Catholic Church. 
11. Newman in a letter dated 16th November, 
1844, had said : '' My one paramount reason 
for contemplating a change is my deep un- 
varying conviction that our Church is in 
schism and that my salvation depends on my 
joining the Church of Rome. . . . What keeps 
me yet is what has kept me long — a fear that 
I am under a delusion ; but the conviction 
remains firm under all circumstances, in all 
frames of mind." The fear referred to in the 
last letter arose from the question, what inward 
test had he that he should not change again 
after he had become a Catholic? He had 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 215 

still some apprehensions of this, though he 
thought a time would come when it would 
depart. However, some limit must be put to 
those misgivings, so, at the end of 1844, he 
resolved to write an essay on Development, 
and then if at the end of it his convictions 
were not weaker, to take the necessary steps 
for admission to the Church of Rome. He 
began the essay in the beginning of 1845, and 
worked at it till October. He says : '' As I 
advanced my difficulties so cleared away that 
I ceased to speak of 'the Roman Catholics' 
and boldly called them Catholics. Before I 
got to the end I resolved to be received, and 
the book remains in the state in which it then 
was, unfinished." It was a curious mode of 
proceeding. A plain man having formed 
certain opinions writes a book to explain 
them to others. Newman writes a book to 
enable himself to form opinions and so come 
to some conclusion. 

In the meantime Dr. Wiseman had been 
watching these movements with great interest. 
His lectures of 1835, repeated 1836, which pro- 
duced considerable effect had been delivered 
during a casual visit to London, but in 1840 



216 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

he had returned to this country permanently 
as bishop in partibus and President of Oscott. 
By means of articles written or inspired by 
himself, some private correspondence himself 
with friends, and correspondence and inter- 
views of friends with Newman, Wiseman — • 
although it was inexpedient for him to become 
in any way publicly identified with the Move- 
ment or to be apparently mixed up with it — yet 
largely influenced its development. It produces 
rather a disagreeable effect to read Newman's 
pathetic account of his spiritual struggles, and 
Mr. Ward's rather opinionated and ignorant 
demonstrations of Rome's supremacy, and then 
to read of the astute Roman ecclesiastic at 
Oscott watching and quietly giving a help 
now and then, when and where he considered 
it desirable, to guide Anglicans to the haven 
where he would have them go. After Ward's 
deprivation Wiseman expected to hear almost 
immediately of Newman's reception into the 
Roman Church, but months passed away and 
the impatience at Oscott grew almost past 
endurance. The younger men at Littlemore, 
however, would not wait longer. Dalgairns 
and Ambrose St John went away for a holi- 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 217 

day and were received into the Roman Church. 
Stanton went away and wrote to Newman 
early in October that he should be received at 
Stonyhurst, and then Newman, who had re- 
signed his Fellowship on 3rd October, 1845, 
broke his somewhat inscrutable silence by 
proposing that they should be received to- 
gether. He wrote: '^Father Dominic the 
Passionist comes here on the 8th to receive 
me. Come back on that day."^ Newman 
says that at the beginning of October Father 
Dominic was passing through London to 
Belgium, and as he was in some perplexity 
what steps to take for being received himself, 
he assented to the proposition that the priest 
should take Littlemore on his way with a 
view to receiving him. Newman says further : 
^*He does not know of my intention, but I 
mean to ask of him admission into the one fold 
of Christ".^ On the pouring wet evening of 
8th October, Stanton and Father Dominic 
arrived almost together. The next day New- 
man, Bowles and Stanton having made their 



1 Wiseman, Life^ vol. i., pp. 429, 430. 

2 Apologia, pp. 234, 235. 



218 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

confessions, received at his hands conditional 
baptism and were received into the Roman 
Chm^ch. When the essay on Development 
was published, the following words were sub- 
joined to the advertisement : ^^ Postscript. — 
Since the above was written the Author has 
joined the Catholic Church. It was his inten- 
tion and wish to have carried his volume 
through the press before deciding finally on 
this step. But when he got some way in the 
printing he recognised in himself a conviction 
of the truth of the conclusion to which the 
discussion leads so clear as to preclude fur- 
ther deliberation. Shortly afterwards circum- 
stances gave him the opportunity of acting on 
it, and he felt that he had no warrant for re- 
fusing to act on it." 

On the Saturday and Sunday, the 21st 
and 22nd February, he was in his house at 
Littlemore alone. He slept on Sunday night 
at his friend Mr. Johnson's, at the observatory. 
Various friends came to see the last of him, 
Dr. Pusey, Mr. Copeland, Mr. Church, Mr. 
Buckle, Mr. Pattison and Mr. Lewis, and he 
called on Dr. Ogle, his old tutor at Trinity. 
On the 23rd he left Oxford, and never re- 



THE MOVEMENT, 1839 TO 1845 219 

visited it till 26th February, 1878, when he 
stayed with the President of Trinity College, 
of which he had recently been made an 
Honorary Fellow, and in the evening dined 
in Hall in his academical dress. 



CHAPTER IV. 

EESULTS. 

1. It has been said that the secession of New- 
man gave the Church of England a blow under 
which it reeled and from which it has not yet 
entirely recovered. This, however, seems to be 
much too strong a statement to be adopted 
without a great deal of qualification. There 
is no doubt that Newman's secession, pre- 
ceded and followed as it was by that of a 
number of his pronounced and devoted fol- 
lowers, gave an enormous shock to many 
serious members and friends of the Anglican 
Church. It was feared that the Church if not 
disrupted and ruined, would at any rate be 
dangerously weakened by the secession of so 
many able and devoted men. Still more it 
was feared that the forces typified if not em- 
bodied in the Church of Rome, would be dis- 
proportionately increased by the transference 
of power from the Anglican to the Roman 

220 



RESULTS 221 

Church, that Protestantism would decrease 
and Romanism increase, and consequently the 
perpetual fear of Papal Aggression and domiy^ 
nation was appreciably increased. 

History, however, has shown that these fears, 
if not unfounded, were greatly exaggerated, 
and that the evil effects anticipated have not 
been realised. This has been due to several 
causes. In the first instance, the steady loyalty\ 
of Pusey and Keble to the Established Church 
acted as ballast to the ship tossed about as it 
was in the tempest, and prevented its being 
capsized. Pusey and Keble were two solid 
old-fashioned English Churchmen, firmly at- 
tached to the Anglican Church. Their names 
had given weight and respectability to the 
Movement, and had obtained for its advocates 
a hearing from the great body of the Church, 
which the subtlety of Newman, the learning of 
Palmer, and the intellectual gymnastics of 
Ward would never have obtained, and there- 
fore now in the hour of stress and trouble, men 
turned to Pusey and Keble asking for guidance,.-' 
and they were told to sit still. In the next 
place, suflftcient allowance has not been made 
for the vis inertice which operated in the 



222 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

Anglican Church as in all other societies. It 
must not be forgotten that though the Move- 
ment was an Oxford Movement, it did not 
include all Oxford men, much less all Church- 
men. There was a compact band of men in 
or closely connected with Oxford who were 
keenly interested and working with intensity 
to push their views among the general body 
of the Church. But the number of able 
scholars, preachers and writers who devoted 
themselves to this work, and their converts 
and followers, were only a small portion of the 
Church. They did not make, and could not 
be expected to make, any profound impression 
on the average cleric. His intellect and at- 
tainments were too narrow, and his interests 
too parochial and too practical, to allow him 
to take more than the slightest interest in a 
Movement which discussed Church matters 
from a point of view much too academical for 
him to appreciate, and which certainly did not 
and could not so influence his springs of ac- 
tion as to compel him even to consider whether 
he could any longer conscientiously hold his 
living or fellowship, or continue in communion 
with the Anglican Church. 



RESULTS ^ 223 

The result was, as might be expected, that 
beyond a comparatively small band of men 
intimately connected with the Movement, the 
main body of the Anglican Church remained 
in their old Church and there was no stampede, 
nor indeed any serious secession to Rome from 
the general body of the Church. 

Such a blow must, however, have had a. 
stunning effect, it must in the ordinary course 
of things have taken some considerable time 
for the Church to recover its equanimity, and/ 
the endeavours of those sound Churchmen 
who, although High, were not Romanist in 
their teaching were directed rather to retain- 
ing within the Church those whose minds had 
been unsettled by the more advanced and 
aggressive teachers, than to emphasising and 
expounding the views of those teachers. 

Naturally both Oxford and the Church 
began to feel that the Movement was rather 
a thing of the past, and the more violent 
emotions provoked by it subsided. 

2. Oxford, however, soon became absorbed^^ 
in a matter immediately affecting College and 
University interests, and the turmoil of the 
discussion caused the Movement, for some 



224 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

considerable time, to be almost entirely for- 
gotten. The liberal spirit that had so alarmed 
Oxford and the Church at large, and which 
had really been the immediate cause of the de- 
fensive steps which developed into the Oxford 
Movement, had been hard at work since the 
. Eeform Act in destroying abuses, rectifying 
evils which were remediable, and generally 
in reconstructing society in accordance with 
liberal ideas. It was inevitable that in due 
course attention should be directed to the two 
ancient Universities. They were supposed to 
be enormously rich, but with an output ludi- 
crously small in proportion to their income. 
Regarded as homes of reaction and centres of 
opposition to Liberal ideas, and as the theo- 
logical seminaries of a single sect in which 
theology was neglected and in which no 
secular studies (except the barren learning of 
classical texts) were admitted except in the 
most grudging and parsimonious spirit, what 
wonder if Liberal Statesmen determined that 
national property administered by the Uni- 
versities should be utilised for the national 
good. Accordingly in 1850 a Royal Commis- 
sion was appointed by Lord John Russell for 



RESULTS 225 

the purpose of holding an inquiry into the 
^' state, discipline, studies and revenues of the 
University and Colleges of .Oxford," and tvro 
years later a similar commission was appointed 
for Cambridge. The Oxford Commission in- 
cluded some very able men — Dr. Tait, after- 
wards Primate ; Dr. Jeune, afterwards Bishop 
of Peterborough ; Dr. Liddell, afterwards Dean 
of Christ Church ; and Professor Baden Powell. 
The secretary was the Rev. A. P. Stanley, 
afterwards Dean of Westminster, assisted by 
Mr. Gold win Smith. Their report was a very 
strong one : it recommended that all clerical 
restrictions should be abolished, that a new 
governing body should be created, that under- 
graduates should be admitted without becom- 
ing members of any College or Hall, that 
subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles at 
Matriculation should be abolished, that Mathe- 
matics and the new studies such as Modern 
History and Natural Science should have their 
fair share of rewards, that the Professorships 
should be revived and extended and unprofit- 
able Fellowships reduced, that the condition 
of celibacy should be abolished in case of Pro- 
fessors or University Lecturers, and above all 

15 



226 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

thgtt the principle of open competition should 
be applied to Fellowships and Scholarships. 
The measure introduced by the Government 
did not carry into full effect all the recom- 
mendations of the report. It did not abol- 
ish subscription to the Thirty-nine Articles 
on matriculation, and removed clerical restric- 
tions only where three-fourths of the Fellows 
of a College were already in Orders, but in 
most other respects it embodied the proposed 
reforms in a fairly adequate form. By an 
Amendment in the Commons, the theological 
test at matriculation was abolished, and by a 
later vote it was abolished in the case of all lay 
degrees. The House of Lords disallowed this 
as to the M.A. Degree, but left the B.A. open 
to Nonconformists. This Bill became law in 
the summer of 1854, and the executive Com- 
mission constituted by the Act began its work 
and gradually transformed the Oxford of 
Keble, Newman and Pusey into a compara- 
tively modern and useful institution. In 1871 
the Universities Tests Acts were passed by 
which no person was required on taking any 
degree (other than of divinity) in the Uni- 
versities of Oxford, Cambridge or Durham, or 



RESULTS 227 

for holding any University or College office 
there, to subscribe any Article or formulary of 
faith or to conform to any religious observance, 
and in 1877 Parliament again interfered with 
the internal affairs of Oxford, the general 
object being to improve the machinery of 
government and the teaching bodies of the 
University and Colleges, and clerical Fellow- 
ships were almost entirely abolished. It was 
not in human nature that so violent a rupture 
with the past as was implied in the abolition 
of tests should come early or easily, but the 
effect of the throwing open of Fellowships 
and other measures above referred to, was to 
flood Oxford with a large number of able 
young men filled with Liberal ideas, consumed 
with the love of knowledge, and burning with 
the desire to improve everything. It would 
be absurd to represent the Oxford Movement 
as responsible for this revolution in Oxford. 
The Oxford Reform is only referred to for 
the purpose of accounting for what appeared 
to many to be the extremely superficial im- 
pression made on the University by the events 
of 1833-1845, but there can be no doubt that 

the strong dislike entertained by the average 

15 * 



228 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

man for what he roughly considered the 
Romanising tendency of Oxford engendered 
by the leaders of the Movement, supplied a 
strong support which enabled the Liberal 
Statesmen of the day to force through mea- 
sures of University Reform which were bitterly 
opposed by the vast majority of the aristo- 
cratic and professional classes. Mr. G. C. 
Brodrick, who left Oxford in 1856 and re- 
turned as Warden of Merton in 1881 (in his 
Memories and Impressions, 1900), says among 
other things which struck him as changed in 
the interval of his absence was the prodigious 
increase in the number of resident ladies, the 
specialisation of studies at the expense of 
general culture, the loss of its old world aspect, 
and especially its fast ceasing to be a pecu- 
liar seminary of Anglican clergy and training 
school for the English country gentry, the 
increase of inter-collegiate lecturing and trans- 
fer of instruction in natural science to the 
Museums, and side by side with the older 
academic studies a widening of interests in the 
directions of Art, Music, Archaeology, Belles- 
lettres and the like culture. . 

3. The most obvious and interesting inquiry 



BESULTS 229 

respecting the results of the Movement is of 
course what permanent effect, if any, it has 
had on the Anglican Church, but it is as 
difficult as it is interesting. The caution 
against being misled by the fallacy post hoc, 
propter hoc, applies with special force, and 
even where it is apparent that the Movement 
must have had some influence in shaping 
subsequent developments in the Church, that 
influence was only one among many causing 
or occasioning those developments. (The Move- 
ment itself was not an ultimate source of change 
or development, but it was merely an incident 
in history, and it may be that in future time it 
may come to be regarded as a comparatively 
small backwash caused by the progress of 
Liberalism in religion and politicsA The Move- 
ment, however, left behind it a more vivid 
and definite idea of the Anglican Church as a 
branch of the Church of Christ, whose members 
were not merely individuals in direct relation 
with their Creator, but were members of the 
body with which remained the deposit of Faith, 
the institution of Episcopacy, and the right and 
due administration of the Sacraments. The 
more complete organisation of the Church 



230 SHORT HISTOKY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

which this led to, and the great amount of 
truth believed to underlie such a system, led 
to great and permanent results in society, such 
as greater interest in religious practices and 
exercises, influence over the higher and more 
educated classes, unlike the poorer and more 
ignorant persons to whom Wesleyanism mainly 
appealed, and especially a fruitfulness in good 
works such as the building and restoring 
Churches in great numbers throughout the 
land. The raising the tone of the Church 
operated among both laity and clergy. The 
disgraceful negligence which previously char- 
acterised the conduct of the services of the 
Church and the care of the fabrics and furni- 
ture of its buildings has almost entirely passed 
away, and leaving out of consideration the 
conduct of extreme men, the services are not 
only more numerous and more regular, but 
are conducted almost universally with fitting 
decency and decorum. The prominence given 
to the sacramental and sacerdotal side of the 
Church has not only conduced to those im- 
provements, but by directing attention to the 
functions of the priest as such, has incidentally 
required him to live up to the character. 



RESULTS 231 

Looseness of living, even undue participation 
in secular sports and amusements, have come 
to be looked upon as incompatible with such 
an office, and the influence of the laity in de- 
spising a man who falls short of the ''form '* 
required by his position has had no small 
effect in preventing the clergy from failure to 
maintain at any rate a decent and becoming 
style of language and life. Another undoubted 
result has been to make the Church much 
more scholarly than it was. Both before and 
since the Movement, there has always been a 
great mass of clergy whose qualifications for 
their office have been very moderate. They 
may make, and many of them do make, fair 
parish clergymen, but to pretence of scholar- 
ship they have very little. There is probably 
no profession which makes less external de- 
mand for constant study and self-improvement 
after admission than the Church does on a 
man once admitted to the priesthood. It 
would be absurd to suppose that even before 
the Movement the ranks of the clergy con- 
tained only men of the classes above indicated, 
because it is well established that here and 
there, scattered about the country and fairly 



232 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

represented in the Universities, were many 
men well versed in the classical writings of 
great English Churchmen, and fairly well in- 
formed in ecclesiastical history, so far as it was 
then known and understood. Such men were 
the father of Mr. Keble, and Dr. Routh, the 
President of Queens. That class of men, 
however, has been enormously increased since 
the Movement began. It is not pretended 
that men of the class of Hooker, Palmer and 
Lightfoot are plentiful, and the poor in ability 
and learning will always be with us, but if it 
may be so expressed, a great middle class of 
clergy has been almost created since 1845. The 
immense shaking up of the Church occasioned 
by the great controversy, naturally directed 
attention to the whole range of theological 
study ; even men of moderate abilities and 
attainments turned some attention to the 
questions which lay at the foundation of their 
faith, or at any rate of their professional status 
and rights. Men who did not accept the more 
advanced views of the sacerdotal position of 
the clergy, insensibly absorbed some of the 
feelings that animated the advanced members 
that they were a caste set apart to administer 



RESULTS 233 

and expound sacred mysteries, and they would 
have been less than human if they had not 
been led to some extent to satisfy the inter- 
est so created, and to remove the stings of 
self-reproach which must afflict every right- 
minded man who becomes aware that he is not 
sufficiently equipped for a task he has taken 
in hand. Beyond this moderate advance the 
abler men in the Church both at the Uni- 
versities and in the country set themselves 
seriously to work in theological study, and not 
content with becoming merely learned men 
themselves, made strenuous eiforts to raise the 
standard of theological learning among the 
clergy at large, and especially among the 
younger men. This led to the vivifying of the 
theological chairs, the greater assistance given 
to such studies in the Universities themselves, 
the systematisation of theological teaching cul- 
minating in theological honour schools, and 
in the multiplication of theological colleges 
intended mainly for the promotion and encour- 
agement of post graduate theological study. 
The effect of this long-continued effort has been 
that not only has the Church been enriched by 
the works of such men as Lightfoot, Westcott, 



234 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

Hort, and many others too numerous to men- 
tion, but the general scholarly tone of that 
large and increasing middle class of the clergy 
has been enormously raised. The honest earn- 
est student could not keep his studies within 
the limits of strict ecclesiastical history and 
literature, and so close his eyes to secular 
history and literature. The two overlap and 
are inextricably intermingled. It was found 
necessary, therefore, to make explorations 
beyond the stricter professional limits if the 
subjects included in those limits were to 
be adequately investigated or their bearings 
thoroughly grasped. Scientific study required 
resort to original authorities, the comparison 
and weighing of authorities, the critical ex- 
amination of texts, and generally the taking of 
nothing for granted ; but it required the strict 
scrutiny and consideration of evidence, to be 
followed by the rejection of all that did not 
satisfy the reasonable tests already applied by 
competent men who desire only to discover the 
truth or the nearest approximation thereto. 
When the new regulations respecting the 
studies of the University of Oxford came to 
be put in force, and the study of history was 



HESULTS 236 

given a fairly due share of encouragement, 
there was already at Oxford a fair number of 
men trained in the habit of historical investiga- 
tion. The concurrence of these circumstances 
undoubtedly gave a great impetus to historical 
studies at Oxford, and led to the development 
of a historical school which has shed lustre on 
the University. It is only necessary to refer 
to the writings of Mr. Freeman, Mr. J. A. 
Froude, Mr. Bryce, Dr. Stubbs, and Mr. J. R. 
Green to show the character and high standard 
of the work done by Oxford men in this de- 
partment of learning, but while giving full 
weight to the encouragement given to all 
modern learning, to recent legislation, and to 
the improvement time itself might be expected 
to bring about, it must be admitted by fair- 
minded men that the Oxford historical school 
owes a great deal of gratitude to the Oxford 
Movement. 

The accentuation of the difference between 
the two streams of tendency followed natur- 
ally from the prominence given in the con- 
troversy to the importance of the Sacraments 
and the necessity of valid orders. The Low 
Churchmen, resting on appeals to the emotions 



236 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

and on the direct communion of the soul with 
its Judge and Redeemer, regarded reliance on 
external means of grace, if not as actual 
hindrances to salvation, yet as dangers if and 
so far as they did not directly contribute to 
that attitude of mind which regarded salvation 
as a thing to be directly asked for and directly 
given, and the assumptions of men who 
claimed mysterious powers resting on their 
orders to act as intermediaries in administer- 
ing authorised means of grace, and who taught 
that such means were generally necessary to 
salvation, were consequently regarded as 
sacerdotal and unfounded assumptions, in- 
distinguishable in their essentials from the 
assumptions of Rome. Hence the Evangelical 
party felt bound to make clear that they were 
free from any taint of the unclean thing, and 
they felt and denounced bitterly what they 
considered unsound doctrine and treasonable 
conduct on the part of the High Church 
clergy. The two views are in fact irreconcil- 
able and the two tendencies are incapable of 
coalescing, but some amount of the original 
bitterness among the Evangelicals has died 
out, and the two streams are for the present 



EESULTS 237 

running side by side. The strong arm of the 
State has prevented either side from expelling 
the other from the Church or seriously ostra- 
cising it. In latter times, too, the strength of 
Evangelicalism seems rather to be on the de- 
crease, probably because there is no essential 
difference, if there is any difference except in 
form, between the Low Churchmen and the 
saner members of the Nonconformist Churches. 
There seems to have been no real development 
in the Evangelical party which for all prac- 
tical purposes, except numbers, remains as it 
was before 1845. The main efforts of Pusey 
and Keble after Newman's secession, as 
already stated, were necessarily directed to 
retaining in the Church those whose minds 
had become unsettled and were filled with 
doubt whether outside Rome they could be 
considered as members of the true Church, and 
their attention therefore remained directed 
largely to that phase of the controversy. 
There was a large and increasing body of men 
who accepted the Anglican Church as an un- 
doubted branch of the Church of Christ with 
valid orders and the power to duly administer 
the Sacraments, and they, with attention 



238 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

awakened by the great controversy, with 
interest in the theological dogmas they had 
accepted, and with the professional bias of 
their class, and the honest desire to confirm 
themselves and others in the faith, devoted 
themselves and encouraged others to theologi- 
cal and historical studies as before mentioned. 
"Without pursuing the subject into further 
detail, it might be expected, and the expecta- 
tion has been realised, that the impetus has 
on the whole led the High Church clergy to 
become a more learned body than their Low 
Church brethren, and learning which began 
to be acquired with perhaps somewhat narrow 
professional aims declines to be so cabined 
and confined, and gradually travels outside 
the mere professional limits, with the result 
that when the student returns within those 
limits he brings with him the wider outlook 
and the more moderate views of the man who 
knows more than the mere technical learning 
of his particular profession. There seems to 
be no antecedent probability that either the 
Low Church or the High Church clergy would 
excel the other in devotion to ordinary parish 
work, or in endeavours for the spiritual good 



RESULTS 230 

of their parishioners. Both are equally inter- 
ested in the elementary and religious education 
of the young, in promoting temperance and 
the general sobriety and decency of life, and 
both take as their main business in life to 
help and so far as possible to secure the 
salvation of the souls committed to their 
charge. In some respects the Evangelical 
has the advantage of endeavouring to induce 
his people to appeal directly to their Maker, 
and this one would suppose could be done 
more effectually by private appeals than by 
public services, but the temptation arises that 
public appeals, owing to the effect of the 
sympathy of numbers on both hearers and 
speaker, are apt to lead the Evangelical to 
rely more and more on his weekly oratorical 
efforts than on private appeals which are 
listened to with shyness if not repulsion, and 
which are frequently extremely difficult to 
ensure attention to. The Evangelical theory 
can really only be carried into effective 
practice by men specially gifted for that pur- 
pose, and such men must always be in a very 
small minority. The High Church theory by 
its reliance more on the Church as an institu- 



240 SHORT HISTOEY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

tion and on the efficacy of the Sacraments as 
means of grace, is not so dependent on the 
special ability of the minister, and their theory 
natm^ally leads them to multiply services, and 
to multiply the opportunities of so administer- 
ing to the spiritual necessities of their flock, and 
their private and public appeals naturally are 
persuasions to become members of the institu- 
tion in fact as vi^ell as in name, and partakers 
of the privileges to be so obtained. Hence 
the multiplication of services by High Church- 
men and the desire to make such services as 
attractive as possible, and also instructive, not 
merely by direct teaching from the pulpit, but 
by such display of symbols and the creation 
of such an atmosphere as vrill develop feel- 
ings of reverence for the unseen, awe for the 
mysteries so symbolised, and a " comfortable " 
feeling that they are partakers in the benefits 
then being distributed, and so laying up for 
themselves treasure in heaven. It is not 
suggested that High Churchmen teach that 
mere membership of the Church and participa- 
tion in the services and sacraments are suffi- 
cient when a proper spirit is absent, but it 
seems fair to say that in addition to that spirit 



EESULTS 241 

reliance on that participation is strongly felt 
as of essential importance, and there is a 
tendency to overrate the importance of the 
external acts at the expense of the subjective 
feeling, and perhaps to encourage the per- 
formance of such acts in the hope that in due 
course the proper feeling will come. In minds 
so attuned, and informed by study of Church 
History of the practice of asceticism by good 
men from the earliest times, it is easy to see 
that a spirit of self-denial would spring up 
among devoted High Churchmen, and would 
be practised openly for the good thereby to 
be obtained personally, for an example of 
simplicity of life to others, and for the exten- 
sion of Church work by the economy so ex- 
ercised in the consumption of Church funds. 
The general impression seems to be that the 
High Churchmen have made the most devoted 
and effective parish priests. It is not easy to 
test this statement, for it would be absurd to 
deny that in the ranks of Low Churchmen 
have been many men whose sanctity of life, 
devotion to work, and personal self-denial are 
not surpassed by any men in the High Church 

ranks, and it must also be borne in mind 

16 



242 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

while the Low Churchman has worked with- 
out any special attention being directed to 
him, the High Churchman, distinguished by 
the high qualities above referred to, has 
frequently had them brought into prominence 
by being brought before the Courts, and so 
in popular language advertised. When all is 
said, however, and considered, there can be 
no doubt that the standard of tone and work 
expected and obtained from a clergyman has 
been enormously raised since 1845. It is 
unnecessary to consider which party has now 
the best claims to superiority in this respect, 
but it may perhaps be safely asserted that it 
is mainly due to the revival in the Church 
caused by the Movement, and in the first 
instance was begun by the High Churchmen. 
4. The most obvious and remarkable develop- 
ment of the Movement is that now known as 
Ritualism. Neither Newman, Pusey nor Keble 
could be described as a Ritualist. Their con- 
cern was with teaching and establishing sound 
doctrine. They insisted on sober, decent, or- 
derly and devout services, but laid no stress 
on ceremonies, dress and ornaments as if they 
were matters of real moment. Newman left 



RESULTS 243 

the services at St. Mary's practically as he 
found them. Pusey was never a parish clergy- 
man, and Keble never advanced beyond a 
sober and devout mode of worship. As the 
echoes of the controversy died away, and those 
High Churchmen who had fought the battle 
and remained in the Church still continued 
their teaching of what they considered Cath- 
olic truth and denied the claim of Rome as 
the sole successor of the Church of the early 
days, many men who had made little or no 
investigation into the foundations of Anglo- 
Catholic pretensions to be a living member of 
Christ's Church, if not the only pure and un- 
defiled branch of it, accepted its doctrines 
and claims as settled things, and made them 
the starting point for what became really a 
new departure. Why should Rome have a 
monopoly of the use of ancient vestments, of 
Church ornaments, of the adventitious aid of 
splendid music and ceremony, of incense, and 
of the priestly power of absolution following 
on systematic confession ? And if the sacri- 
fice of Christ was repeated at the consecration 
of the elements, why should not the celebration 

be led up to and treated as the culminating 

16* 



244 SHOET HISTORY OF OXFOED MOVEMENT 

point of worship and performed with every cir- 
cumstance which could impress the worship- 
pers with the awful nature of the rite being 
performed, and at the High Celebration of 
which it was enough that the worshipper should 
be partaker merely by his presence and de- 
votional feeling ? It is easy to see that many 
men starting from the point above indicated 
would answer those questions in favour of the 
Anglican Church, and hence the development 
^ of what has come to be known as Ritualism. 
The use of incense, processions, dress prac- 
tically indistinguishable from that of Roman 
priests, and generally of services approximat- 
ing as nearly to those of Rome as the limita- 
tions of the Prayer-book and the fear of the 
law would allow, have followed almost as of 
course. It would not be right to say that the 
mainspring of this development generally is 
either vanity or a childish aping of the Church 
of Rome, though they probably had a power- 
ful influence on the weaker-minded men who 
have adopted the practices, and who are often 
minded to go a step farther than any one else, 
almost for the mere sake of doing so, but with 
the great majority of Ritualistic clergy it is fair 



RESULTS 245 

to believe that they have adopted the practices 
referred to in the honest belief that they were 
authorised by law, or if not, that they were 
venial excesses going no more beyond the law 
than the Low Churchmen had fallen short of 
it, and in either event in the belief that they 
are merely clothing sound doctrine in its proper 
and becoming dress. The foundation of Sister- 
hoods cannot be said to have originated with 
the Ritualists, as they were encouraged by 
some of the Tractarians themselves, but there 
can be no doubt the very great and perhaps 
undue multiplication of Sisterhoods, and of 
societies such as the Confraternity of the 
Sacred Heart, is due to Ritualistic zeal and 
energy, and if the idea was not borrowed from 
Rome, it is difficult to resist the impression 
that it has been largely influenced and sup- 
ported by the desire to utilise a force of which 
so much use has been made by the Church of 
Rome. So long as Ritualism remains a mere 
eccentricity on the part of a small section of 
the Church, no serious mischief will be done, 
but if it should absorb the large body of High 
Churchmen who have hitherto abstained from 
the adoption of the more pronounced practices, 



246 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

it would seem that the fear and loathing with 
which High Church teaching and practices 
are regarded by Low Churchmen and Protes- 
tant Nonconformists must hasten the coming 
of Disestablishment, and as a necessary con- 
sequence the disruption of the Church, as men 
with such differing tendencies as Low Church- 
men and High Churchmen have, cannot 
voluntarily remain long members of the same 
body. When those events occur the Broad 
Churchman will be able to find a home in 
neither camp, and as there will be no State 
Church emoluments and exclusive privileges 
to enjoy, he will be under no temptation to 
endeavour to prove his right to remain a mem- 
ber of a society whose dogmas in either view he 
is unable to accept, and of which he can only 
remain a member by explaining away or tacitly 
ignoring the dogmas of both parties which the 
Church formularies were alone framed to admit. 
The Tractarian controversy, as we have seen, 
was followed at Rome and especially by Dr. 
Wiseman with great interest. This interest 
arose from a hope and belief that the neces- 
sary result would be a large secession of the 
Anglican clergy, and that this would be a 



RESULTS 247 

large step in the conversion of the country at 
large. But when it was seen that there were 
only a comparatively few secessions, though 
those were of prominent and able men, and 
that the great mass of the clergy stood firm, 
and that the mass of the country remained 
practically untouched, the interest naturally 
tended to die out. This was helped by the 
natural dislike entertained by born and bred 
Catholics for the new men who had come 
over. They were tainted with their education 
and early training, and were looked on with 
suspicion and dislike. There was also the 
rather squalid question of what to do with 
the men who came over. Newman himself, 
in a letter to his sister, discusses his future 
and speculates on the living he might make 
by writing for The Times and by the sale of 
his Anglican sermons. He was ultimately 
absorbed and provided for, but it was quite 
another question whether an indefinite number 
of Anglican clergy who seceded could expect 
to continue their clerical career in the Church 
of Rome. There was in fact no secession in 
such numbers as to materially modify the 
character of the Church of Rome in this 



248 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

island. Rome itself was too far off to be 
disturbed by a petty ebullition in a foreign 
Protestant University like Oxford, which had 
apparently calmed down with no appreciable 
resultant benefit to Roman interests. Rome 
was too immovable, too solidly fixed for its 
centre of gravity to be altered in the most 
infinitesimal degree. The few distinguished 
converts were suspected of Liberalism, and so 
far from liberalising Rome, were themselves 
barely tolerated. Moreover, Rome does not 
compromise. She does not seek converts by 
yielding points of principle. If they come 
they must submit to the new authority with 
unquestioning and absolute obedience. Man- 
ning only succeeded by becoming more Roman 
almost than the Romans. The effect of the 
Movement on the Church of Rome was there- 
fore practically nothing. 

5. A common complaint among the clergy is 
of the great and growing spirit of indifference 
and aloofness shown to all religious dogma 
by laymen and especially by educated laymen, 
and there can be little doubt that this com- 
plaint is well founded. Many causes have 
contributed to produce this state of mind. 



RESULTS 249 

Foremost has been the great attention paid to 
the study of the natural sciences and the im- 
mense progress made in all their branches, 
followed as it has been by the absolute 
antagonism shown to all forms of revealed 
Christianity by distinguished scientific men, 
who assert that the teachings of science are 
irreconcilable with the teaching of the Bible 
and the Church, and that the last-mentioned 
teaching must therefore be rejected as un- 
founded, or at any rate as founded only on 
probabilities, apparently inconsistent in many 
ways with established facts. Then, again, 
modern philosophers following and developing 
the doctrine of Mansel, teach that the know- 
ledge attainable by human intellect must lie 
within certain limits, and that everything 
beyond those limits which includes all super- 
natural religion, must be unknowable and 
therefore rest merely on speculation and not 
on any rational basis of ascertained fact. The 
more extensive study of the origins of history 
and the destructive criticism based thereon 
has destroyed many old beliefs, and reduced 
many classical stories which used to be re- 
peated as undoubted truth to the class of 



250 SHORT HISTORY OF OXFORD MOVEMENT 

popular myths, while the wider study of other 
religions, and particularly those of Asia, has 
tended to place the Bible as one merely of 
the Sacred Books of the East, with which it 
has much in common. It seem paradoxical 
to assert that the efforts of the great leaders 
of the Oxford Movement to place the Christian 
Faith and the Anglican form of it on the firm 
basis of authority should be responsible, even 
in part, for the undermining of the faith of 
laymen which really is the cause of the in- 
difference and aloofness above referred to ; 
but there can be little doubt that the result of 
the attack on the doctrine of the Bible and 
the Bible alone as the religion of Protestants, 
and the effort to rest religion mainly on the 
authority of the Church, coupled with the 
study given to early ecclesiastical history and 
literature, developed as it has been, have helped 
with other causes to bring about such indiffer- 
ence and aloofness, even when it has not re- 
sulted in absolute disbelief of the Christian 
theory, and this indirect help to the destruc- 
tion of the basis of belief which has led to 
agnosticism, must be reckoned among the 
indirect results of the Movement. 



KESULTS 251 

6. There are no scales in which to weigh 
the amount of good and evil respectively 
caused by the Movement, and there is no 
analytical process by which to apportion to 
that Movement its precise share in causing or 
shaping the events and policies which suc- 
ceeded to it. It may be that those events and 
policies would have occurred if there had been 
no such Movement, but then the occasion would 
have taken another form. The Oxford Move- 
ment was merely the expression of the reaction 
which followed the somewhat rapid if not 
violent realisation and development of Liber- 
alism in the early part of last century, and 
might never have occurred if such realisation 
and development had begun earlier and moved 
with less friction. It was merely an incident, 
if not an accident, and now that it has receded 
somewhat into the past, it can be seen that 
any good or evil which resulted from the 
Movement would in all probability have come 
even if the Movement had never occurred, 
yet, on the other hand, the Movement itself 
was not the alarming and dangerous thing it 
was represented and feared to be, but was 
merely an interesting episode. 



INDEX 

Abbott, Dr. E. A., on Newman's secession, 208. 

Act of Appeals, 12. 

Act, Archiepiscopal Licences, 13. 

Act, Election of Bishops, 13. 

Act to reform certain disorders touching ministers of the 
Church, 16. 

Act of Submission, 12. 

Act of Supremacy, 14 ; repealed, 16. 

Act of Uniformity of 1662, 16. 

Anglican Church, Tracts published to strengthen the, 150 ; 
result of the Oxford Movement, 229. 

Apostolic Succession, doctrine of the, 75, 137, 153. 

Apostolicity a;. Catholicity, 179. 

Appeals, Act of, 12. 

Archiepiscopal Licences Act, 13. 

Arian heresy, 79 note, 

Arianism, view of, 192. 

Arians, The, of the Fourth Century^ 79, 92. 

Arminians, belief of the, 3. 

Arnold, Dr., his opinion of Froude's Remains, 61 ; his pam- 
phlet on The Principles of Church Reform, 98, 122 ; his 
article on the " Oxford Malignants," 165. 

Articles, Thirty-nine, declaration prefixed to the, 16. 

Bacon, his philosophy, 24. 
Balliol College, 43. 

Bampton Lectures, character of the, 162. 

263 



254 INDEX 

Baptism, Tract on, 101, 103, 151, 158. 

Barbados, Archdeaconry of, 50. 

Barry, Dr. William, on the origin of the Newman family, 64 ; 

on the Calvinistic views of Mrs. Newman, 65, 73. 
Beveridge, Bishop, Tracts for the Times, 141. 
Bishoprics, Suppression of the Irish, Bill, 123. 
Bishops, Election of. Act, 13. 
Bodleian Library, completion of the Catalogue of Arabic 

Manuscripts, 96. 
Boleyn, Anne, 10. 
Bonifacio, Straits of, 89. 
Bouverie, Hon. Philip, 93. 

Bowden, J. W., Tracts for the Times, 140, 141, 143. 
Bowles, received into the Church of Rome, 217. 
British Critic, articles in, 169, 177, 209 ; discontinued, 211. 
British Magazine, 103. 
Broad Church, origin of the, 20. 
Brodrick, G. C, on the changes in Oxford from 1856-1881, 

228. 
Brougham, Lord, criticism on, 112. 

Bryce, Mr., his Holy Roman Empire, 148 ; his writings, 235. 
Buckle, Mr., 218. 
Bunsen, 94. 

Burgon, Dean, Twelve Good Men, 147. 
Burton, Dr., Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, his death, 

159. 
Butler, A., Tracts for the Times, 143. 
Butler, his argument on continuity, 55 ; his Analogy, 75. 

Calvin, 14. 

Calvinists, belief of the, 2. 

Cambridge Platonists, 20. 

Cambridge University, condition of, 26 ; Royal Commission of 

enquiry appointed, 225. 
Canterbury, Archbishop of, addresses of attachment to the 

Church, presented to, 128. 
Cathedral Institutions, Remarks on the Prospective and Past 

Benefits of, 98, 122. 



INDEX 255 

Catholic Emancipation question, 97 ; concession, 119. 

Catholicity v. Apostolicity, 179. 

Catholicus, letters by. 111, 113. 

Charles I., his declaration prefixed to the Thirty-nine Articles, 

16. 
Cherwell, 45. 
Chillingworth, The Bible and the Bible alone the Religion of 

Protestants, 1. 
• Christian Year, The, 52-54, 77. 

Church, Dean, on the character of Hurrell Froude, 63 ; his 

opinion of The Arians of the Fourth Century, 79 ; on the 

origin of the Oxford Movement, 83, 116 ; on the character 

of the Tracts for the Times, 130. 
Church, Mr., 218. 
Church of England, 7 ; separation from the Church of Rome, 

14 ; condition in the Stuart period, 19 ; in the Georges 

period, 20 ; proposed formation of an Association of 

Friends of the, 125 ; declaration of principles, 126 ; effect 

of Newman's secession, 220. 
Church of Rome, 7. See Rome. 

Church, Ideal of a Christian, 209, 211 ; condemned, 213. 
Church Temporalities, Irish, Bill, 120, 123. 
Church, The Prophetical Office of the, 166 ; scope of the work, 

167. 
Church Reform, A Plan of, tvith a Letter to the King, 98, 121. 
Church Reform, The Principles of, 98, 122. 
Churton, Mr., his protest against Tract 90, 188. 
Clement's, St., Oxford, 72. 
Clergy, improvement in their character and scholarly tone, 

230-234. 
Codrington College, 60. 
Coleridge, Bishop, 50. 
Coleridge, Rev. George, 58. 
•^ Coleridge, S. T., his speculations, 25, 117. 
Copeland, Mr., 218. 
Copleston, Dr., appointed Bishop of Llandaff, 50 ; on the test 

of examinations, 70. 



256 INDEX 

Cosin, Bishop, Tracts for the Times, 141. 
Cranmer, 34. 
Crimean War, 113-115. 
Cromwell, Oliver, 10. 

Dalgairns, 175 ; received into the Church of Rome, 216. 

Development, Essay on, 215, 218. 

*' Developments in Religious Doctrine," sermon on, 108-111. 

Disabilities, religious, removal of, 18. 

Discussions and Arguments, extracts from, 113-115. 

Dominic, Father, at Littlemore, 217 ; receives Newman into the 

Church of Rome, 218. 
Dornford, Fellow and Tutor of Oriel, 76. 
Dublin Review, article in the, 180. 

Ealing, 67. 

Eden, C. P., Tracts for the Times, 142. 

Edinburgh Review, article in the, 165. 

Edward VI., Acts of Uniformity, passed, 15 ; Prayer-books, 

15, 33. 
Eichhorn, 94. 

Elizabeth, Queen, her Acts, 15, 16. 

Emancipation, Catholic, question, 97 ; concession of, 119. 
England, Church of, 7. See Church. 
Episcopalians, belief of the, 4. 
Established Church, 4, 6 ; condition of, 19, 26. 
Eutychus, originates the Monophysite heresy, 180 note. 
Evangelical revival, influence of, 117. 
Evangelicals, their views, 236-241. 

Faber, 175. 

Fasting, Tract on, 99, 103. 

Faussett, Dr., 204. 

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond, Life of Earl Granville, 161 note, 

Folkestone, Viscount, 93. 

Fourdrinier, Jemima, 64. 

Freeman, Mr., his writings, 235. 



INDEX 257 

Freitag, 94. 

French Revolution, result of the, 23, 117. 

Friends, parting of, sermon on, 111. 

Froude, James Anthony, 57 ; on Piety and Dogmatic Theology, 
6 7iotey 29 ; on Newman's appearance, 84 ; his writings, 235. 

Froude, Robert Hurrell, 57. 

Froude, Richard Hurrell, pupil of Keble, 49, 58, 105 ; his 
character, 57, 63 ; education, 58 ; elected Fellow of Oriel, 
58, 76 ; friendship with Newman, 59, 62 ; tour abroad, 59, 
87 ; at the Hadleigh Conference, 59, 125 ; his four Tracts 
for the Times, 60, 140, 143, 144 ; the Remains, 60, 171 
note, 173 ; religious views, 62 ; leader of the Oxford 
Movement, 63. 

Fyffe, C. A., his article on the state of Oxford University, 40-43. 

Garbett, Archdeacon, candidate for the Professorship of 

Poetry, 195 ; his election, 196. 
Georges period, state of the Church in the, 20. 
German philosophy, influence of, 25, 117 ; rationalism, view of, 

28, 94. 
Gerontius, Dream of, 108. 
Gibbon, E. , his view of history, 25. 
Gladstone, W. E., on Newman's delivery, 85. 
Golightly, Mr., his proposal to erect a monument to the martyrs 

of the Reformation, 170. 
Green, J. R., his writings, 235. 
Griffiths, Mr., his protest against Tract 90, 188. 
Guiney , Louise J. , Life of Hurrell Froude, 58 note, 147. 

Hadleigh Conference, 59, 91, 104, 125. 

Halesworth living, 45. 

Hampden, Dr., his pamphlet on abolishing subscription to the 
Thirty-nine Articles, 156 ; appointed Regius Professor at 
Oxford, 160 ; Principal of St. Mary Hall, 160 ; political 
views, 160 ; characteristics, 160 ; his essay on the Philo- 
sophical Evidence of Christianity, 161 ; character of his 
Bampton Lectures, 161-163; unsound doctrines, 163. 

17 



258 INDEX 

Harborough, Robert, Earl of, 93. 

Harrison, B., Tracts for the Times, 140, 141, 143. 

Hastings, Warren, his verses, 53. 

Hawkins, Mr., appointed Provost of Oriel, 50, 77 ; his influence 

over Newman, 72, 74 ; sermon on Tradition, 74 ; relations 

with the Tutors, 79-82. 
Henley, Lord, A Plan of Church Reform with a Letter to the 

King, 98, 121. 
Henry VHI., King, his influence on the Reformation, 10 ; 

Acts, 11-14. 
High Church, founders of the, 20 ; Clergy, their views, 236-241 ; 

learning, 238 ; character, 239, 241 ; multiplication of 

services, 240. 
Hook, Dean, Lives of Archbishops of Canterbury ^ 33, 35, 106. 
Hook, Church Dictionary, extracts from, 79 note^ 180 note, 
Howley, Dr., Bishop of London, 77. 
Hursley living, 49. 
Hutton, R. H., Life of /. H, Newman, 85 note. 

Ideal of a Christian Church, 209, 211 ; condemned, 213. 

James, Rev. William, 75. 

Jelf, Dr., 189. 

Jerusalem, Anglo-Prussian bishopric, protest against, 192. 

Jeune, Dr., member of the Oxford Commission, 225. 

John, St., Ambrose, received into the Church of Rome, 216. 

Johnson, Mr., 218. 

Jowett, Professor, on the leaders of the Oxford Movement, 27. 

Justification, Essay on, 169. 

Keble, John, his career, 48 ; elected Fellow of Oriel, 49 ; at 
Hursley, 49 ; his pupils, 49, 58, 105 ; character, 49-51 ; 
elected Professor of Poetry, 51 ; his theory of poetry, 51 ; 
The Christian Year, 52-54 ; attitude towards the Church, 
53 ; religious views, 55 ; his sermon on " National Apos- 
tacy Considered," 56, 91 ; Tracts for the Times, 140, 



INDEX 259 

143, 147, 195 ; last lecture as Professor of Poetry, 194 ; 

tract on the Mysticism of the Fathers in the Use and 

Interpretation of Scripture, 195 ; his loyalty to the 

EstabHshed Church, 221. 
Keble, Thos., Tracts for the Times, 140, 141, 142, 146. 
Kingsley, Rev. Charles, his charge against Newman, 82. 

Lanfrang, Archbishop, 8. 

Laud, Archbishop, draws up the declaration to the Thirty -nine 

Articles, 16. 
Laymen, their indifference to all religious dogma, 248-250. 
*'Lead Kindly Light," 89, 108. 
/ Lewis, Mr., 218. 

Liberalism, danger of the spirit of, 118. 
Liddell, Dr., member of the Oxford Commission, 225. 
Littlemore, plans for a monastic establishment at, 182, 198. 
Lloyd, Dr., Professor of Divinity at Oxford, 72 ; his lectures, 

75 ; influence over Dr. Pusey, 94 ; Bishop of Oxford, 97 ; 

his death, 98. 
Locke, his teaching, 24. 
Low Church, 20 ; clergy, their views, 236-241 ; learning, 238 ; 

character, 239, 241. 
Luther, Martin, 14. 
Lyons, 90. 
v Lyra Apostolica, 104. 

Manning, H. E., Tracts for the Times, 145. 

Marriott, Charles, his work of translating the Library of the 

Fathers, 115, 165 ; Tracts for the Times, 145. 
Martyrs of the Reformation, memorial to, 170, 173. 
Mary, Queen, her repeal of the Reformation Acts, 14, 15. 
Mary's, St., Oxford, 77. 
^* Mass," use of the word discontinued, 15. 
V Maurice, Rev. F. D., on subscription to the Thirty-nine 

Articles, 156. 
Mayers, Rev. Walter, 73. 
Melbourne, Lord, appoints Dr. Hampden Regius Professor of 

Divinity at Oxford, 160. 

17 * 



260 INDEX 

Menzies, A., Tracts for the Times, 140. 

Methodist Societies, position of, 27. 

Mill, Stuart, on Archbishop Whately's philosophical investiga- 
tions, 46. 

Ministers of the Church, Act to reform certain disorders 
touching, 16. 

Monophysite heresy, 180 note. 

Mozley, Dr. James B., on Newman's secession, 208 ; on Tract, 
90, 187. 

Mozley, John, 67. 

Mozley, Rev. Thomas, his Eeminiscenees, 47 note et seq. ; on 
the character of Keble, 50 ; on the family of John Newman, 
64 ; his marriage, 64, 67 ; on the appearance and dress of 
Newman, 86 ; on the difficulties of circulating the Tracts, 
151 ; on the characteristics of Dr. Hampden, 160. 

Musical Sounds, sermon on, 108-111. 

" National Apostacy Considered," sermon on, 56, 91. 

Neander, 94. 

Newman, Charles Robert, 65 ; his career, 66. 

Newman, Francis William, 65 ; his career, 66 ; Early History 
of Cardinal Neivman, 73 note. 

Newman, Harriet, her marriage, 64, 67. 

Newman, Jemima, her marriage, 67. 

Newman, John, 64. 

Newman, John Henry, his friendship with Hurrell Froude, 58, 
62 ; birth, 64 ; parents, 64 ; brothers, 66 ; sisters, 67 ; at 
school, 67 ; breaks down in his examination, 68 ; entered 
at Lincoln's Inn, 69 ; takes holy orders, 69 ; elected Fellow 
of Oriel, 70 ; his shyness, 71 ; under Whately's influence, 
71, 76 ; curate of St. Clement's, Oxford, 72 ; Vice-Principal 
of Alban Hall, 72 ; appointed Tutor of Oriel, 72 ; religious 
views, 73, 90, 175 ; under the influence of Hawkins, 74 
religious studies, 75 ; his first University sermon, 77 
various appointments, 77 ; Vicar of St. Mary's, 77, 82 
studies of the Fathers, 78 ; opposition to Peel's re- 
election, 78 ; his work on The Arians of the Fourth Century , 



INDEX 261 

70 ; relations with his pupils, 80 ; character of his sermons, 
82, 154 ; his appearance, 84, 86 ; delivery, 85 ; personal 
influence, 85 ; dress, 86 ; tour in Italy, 87 ; attack of fever, 
88 ; hymn, 89, 93 ; Tracts for the Times, 92, 140, 141, 142, 
144, 145, 146, 147, 150; illustra tions of his style, 92,^li} 8- 
115 ; on Pusey's joining the Movement, 100 ; his opinion 
of Mr. Palmer, 105 ; sermon on Musical Sounds, 108-111 ; 
farewell sermon as Anglican, 111, 205 ; criticism on Lord 
Brougham, 112 ; on the Crimean War, 113-115 ; on the 
Bill for the Suppression of Bishoprics, 124 ; on the Associa- 
tion of Friends of the Church, 127 ; recovery from his 
illness, 149 ; his position based on three propositions, 149 ; 
his view of the Church of Rome, 150, 175, 202 ; on the 
distribution of the Tracts, 152 ; his opinion of Dr. Hamp- 
den's pamphlet on abolishing subscription to the Thirty- 
nine Articles, 157 ; pamphlet^ on Elucidations of Br, 
Hampderi's Theological Statements, 163 ; lectures on The 
Prophetical Office of the Church, 166 ; scope of the work, 
167 ; adopts the doctrine of the Via Media, 168 ; essay on 
Justification, 169 ; pamphlet on the Real Presence, 169 ; 
article on " The State of Religious Parties," 177-179 ; study 
of the Monophysite heresy, 180 ; his doubt of the tenable- 
ness of Anglicanism, 180 ; article on ^* The Catholicity of 
the Church," 182 ; plans for a monastic establishment at 
Littlemore, 182, 198 ; on the meaning of the Roman 
doctrine, 183-185 ; his Tract 90, 185-191 ; defence of it, 
189 ; at Littlemore, 191, 203 ; view of Arianism, 192 ; 
movement of the bishops against him, 192 ; his protest 
against the proposed Anglo-Prussian bishopric at Jerusalem, 
192; unsettled views, 194, 203, 206, 214; sermons on 
Wisdom and Innocence, 194 ; under " observation," 197 ; 
explanation of his retirement to Littlemore, 198-201 ; re- 
tracts his words against Rome, 203 ; resigns the living of 
St. Mary's, 205 ; Essay on Development, 215 ; resigns his 
Fellowship, 217 ; received into the Church of Rome, 218 ; 
leaves Oxford, 218. 
Newman, Mary, 67. 



262 INDEX 

Newman, Mrs., her Calvinistic views, 65, 73. 
Nicene doctrine, acceptance of, 39. 
Nicholas, Dr. George, 67. 
Noetics, their views, 47. 
Nonconformists, belief of the, 4. 

Oakeley, Mr., 175, 209. 

O'Connell, elected for Clare, 97. 

Ogle, Dr., 218. 

Oriel College, 43. 

Origines Liturgicse, 104. 

Owen, Robert, the philanthropic Socialist, 66. 

Oxford, Bishop of, his opinion of Tract 90, 190 ; his animad- 
versions on the Tracts for the Times, 173. 

Oxford or Tractarian Movement, leader of the, 64 ; origin, 116 ; 
antecedents, 117 ; threatened dangers, 118-123 ; steps for 
the defence of the Church, 123 ; Hadleigh Conference, 124 ; 
proposed formation of an Association of Friends of the 
Church, 125 ; address to the Archbishop, 128 ; later form 
of the Movement, 129 ; Tracts for the Times, No. 1, 130- 
139 ; list of, 139-148 ; results on the Anglican Church, 229. 

Oxford University, condition of, 26, 40-43 ; result of election, 
97 ; proposal to abolish subscription to the Thirty-nine 
Articles, 155 ; Royal Commission of enquiry appointed, 
224 ; members, 225 ; report, 225 ; measures for the reform, 
226-228 ; changes, 228 ; development of a historical school, 
235. 

Palmer, Rev. William, 104 ; his work Origines Liturgicse, 104 ; 
on the Catholic Emancipation measure, 120 ; on proposed 
privileges to Unitarians, 124 ; at Hadleigh Conference, 
125 ; his proposed Association of Friends of the Church, 
125 ; address to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 128 ; 
Tracts for the Times, 140 ; treatise on the Church of 
Christ, 169 ; on Newman's secession, 208 ; denounces the 
Romanising tendency of the articles in the British Critic, 
211. 



INDEX 263 

Parker, Archbishop, his influence on the Prayer-books of 
Edward YI., 34 ; draws up the Thirty-nine Articles, 35-39. 

Parliament, reform of, 118. 

Parochial and Plain Sermons^ 82, 92 ; their character, 83. 

Pattison, Mr. Mark, on the Noetics, 47 ; at Littlemore, 218. 

Paul, Mr. Herbert, on the religious views of Keble, 53 ; on the 
character of Hurrell Froude, 58. 

Peel, Sir Robert, and the Catholic Emancipation question, 78, 
97 ; re-election, 78. 

Perceval, Hon. and Rev. A. P., Yicar of East Horsley, 106 ; 
at the Hadleigh Conference, 125 j Tracts for the Times, 
141, 142. 

Platonists, the Cambridge, 20. 

Powell, Professor Baden, member of the Oxford Commission, 
225. 

Prayer, Books of Common, 15, 17, 33. 

Priests, marriage of, 15. 

Printing, result of the discovery, 24. 

Prophetical Office of the Church, 166 ; scope of the work, 
167. 

Protestants, number of forms of belief, 1. 

Pusey, Dr. Edward Bouverie, 92 ; his refutation of German 
Rationalism, 28, 94 ; his birth and parents, 93 ; in Germany, 
94 ; ordained deacon, 95 ; Regius Professor of Hebrew, 
95 ; ordained priest, 96 ; completion of the Catalogue of 
Arabic Manuscripts, 96 ; support of Peel's election, 97 ; 
his pamphlet Remarks on the Prospective and Past Benefits 
of Cathedral Institutions, 98, 122; tract on Fasting, 99, 
103 ; on Baptism, 101, 103, 151, 158 ; joins the Movement, 
101, 151 ; influence, 101, 103 ; his project for a translation 
of the Fathers, 103, 151, 165 ; Tracts for the Times, 141, 
144, 145, 151 ; his defence of Tractarianism, 176 ; sermon 
on the Holy Eucharist, 204 ; proceedings against, 204 ; 
suspended from preaching, 205 ; visit to Newman, 218 ; 
loyalty to the Established Church, 221. 

" Queen Anne's Bounty," 12. 



264 INDEX 

Rationalism, views on, 28, 94. 

Real Presence, pamphlet on, 169. 

Reform Bill of 1832, 22, 119. 

Reformation, 8, 10 ; result of the, 9 ; motives, 10 ; Acts of 
Henry VIII., 11-14 ; character, 31 ; martyrs of the, proposal 
to erect a monument to, 170. 

Religious disabilities, removal of, 18. 

" Religious Parties, State of," article on, 177-179. 

Remains, publication of, 60, 173. 

Reserve in Religious Teaching, tract on, 106, 195. 

Revolution, the French, result of, 23, 117. 

Ritualism, development of, 242-246. 

Roman doctrine, meaning of the term, 183. 

Rome, Church of, 6 ; influence, 7 ; separation from the Church 
of England, 14 ; effect of Newman's secession, 220 ; interest 
in the Tractarian controversy, 246 ; effect of the Movement, 
248. 

Rose, Hugh James, 79 ; Hadleigh Conference at his Rectory, 
91, 124 ; his lectures on German rationalism, 94 ; contro- 
versy with Dr. Pusey, 94 ; characteristics, 103 ; editor of 
the British Magazine, 103 ; Rector of Hadleigh, 104 4 
Principal of King's College, London, 129 ; death, 129. 

Routh, Dr., 190. 

Russell, Lord John, appoints a Royal Commission of enquiry 
into Oxford University, 224. 

Sacrament, administration of the, 15. 

Sandford, Archdeacon, Life of Archbishop Temple, edited by, 

85 note. 
Schliermacher, 94. 

"Scott, Sir Walter, influence of his writings, 25, 117. 
Scott, Rev. W., 208. 
Settlement, Act of, 22. 
Shairp, Principal, on Newman's voice, 84. 
Shuttleworth, 98. 

Sibthorpe, Mr., received into the Church of Rome, 201. 
Sicily, 88. 



INDEX 265 

Sisterhoods, foundation of, 245. 

Smith, Mr. Goldwin, Secretary to the Oxford Commission, 225. 

Southrop, Curacy of, 58. 

Stanley, Dean, Life of Arnold, 122 note ; on the characteristics 

of Mr. Ward, 209; Secretary to the Oxford Commission, 

225. 
Stanley, Lord, his Irish Church Temporalities Bill, 120, 123. 
Stanton, received into the Church of Rome, 217. 
Stuart period, state of the Church in, 19. 
Stubbs, Dr., his writings, 235. 
Subjects of the Bay, Sermons on, 111. 
Submission, Act of, 12. 
Sumner, Archbishop of Canterbury, his treatise on apostolical 

preaching, 75. 
Suppression of the Irish Bishoprics Bill, 123. 
Supremacy, Act of, 14 ; repealed, 14, 16. 

Tait, Archbishop, his protest against Tract 90, 188 ; on 
Newman's duality of mind, 207 ; member of the Oxford 
Commission, 225. 

Temple, Archbishop, on the personal influence of Newman, 85. 

Test and Corporation Acts, repeal, 119. 

Thirty-nine Articles, declaration prefixed to the, 16 ; origin, 
35 ; character, 36-39 ; proposal to abolish subscription to 
the, at Oxford University, 155. 

" Thirty-nine Articles, Remarks on Certain Passages in the," 
185-191 ; protests against, 188. 

Tholuck, 94. 

Times, Tracts for the, 60, 99, 106 ; No. 1, 92, 130-139 ; list 
of the, 139-148 ; their character, 150 ; distribution, 151 ; 
publication, 152 ; No. 90, 185-191 ; protests against, 188. 

Tractarianism, defence of, 176. 

Trench, Dean, Oxford Movement^ 136 note. 

Tudor period, changes in the, 19. 

TuUoch, Dr., his view of the character of the English Refor- 
mation, 14 note, 31. 

Tyndale, 14. 

18 



266 INDEX 

Uniformity, Act of, 1662, 16. 

Unitarians, belief of the, 2 ; proposed privileges, 124. 

University Test Acts of 1871 passed, 226. 

Via Media, doctrine of the, 168, 171. 

Victoria, Queen, condition of Oxford at her accession, 43. 

Victorian Era, achievements of, 27. 

Ward, William George, Fellow and Mathematical Lecturer at 
Balliol, 174 ; his characteristics, 175 ; religious views, 175 ; 
resigns his lectureships, 191 ; leader of the Movement, 209 ; 
his book The Ideal of a Christian Church, 209, 211 ; con- 
demned, 213 ; engaged to be married, 213 ; marriage, 214 ; 
received into the Church of Rome, 214. 

Ward, Mrs., received into the Church of Rome, 214. 

Wellington, Duke of, 95. 

Wesley, influence of his teaching, 21. 

Whately, Archbishop, 44 ; his career, 45 ; appointed Archbishop 
of Dublin, 45 ; characteristics, 45-48 ; his philosophical 
investigation, 46 ; religious view, 47 ; contribution to the 
Oxford Movement, 48 ; influence over Newman, 71 ; 
Principal of Alban Hall, 72. 
•^' White, Blanco, 98 ; at Oxford, 106 ; character of his intellect, 
107 ; a Socinian, 107. 

Wilberforce, Henry, 181. 

Wilberforce, Robert, pupil of Keble, 49, 58, 105 ; Fellow and 
Tutor of Oriel, 76. 

William the Conqueror, 8. 

William of Orange, his wars, 22. 

Williams, Isaac, pupil of Keble, 49, 58, 105 ; extract from his 
Autobiography, 99 ; his birth, 105 ; curate of St. Mary's, 
Oxford, 105 ; character of his poetry, 105 ; Tract on Reserve 
in Religious Teaching, 106, 195 ; Tracts Jor the Times, 
145, 146 ; candidate for the Professorship of Poetry, 195. 

Wilson, R. F., Tracts for the Times, 143; protest against 
Tract 90, 188. 



INDEX 267 

Wiseman, Dr., 59, 87 ; his lectures on the doctrines of 
Catholicism, 166, 215; article on the "Anglican Claim," 
180 ; President of Ascott, 216 ; interest in the Tractarian 
controversy, 246. 

Wolsey, Cardinal, 10. 



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